An Observation While Learning Spanish Via The Comprehensible Input Method

I have been trying the comprehensible input method espoused by this site to learn Spanish.

The comprehensible input method seems correct to me, although I admittedly haven’t studied the science that they claim backs up the efficacy of the method. It just “rings true” to me based on my own introspection and knowledge of epistemology and language. The method discards learning grammar in favor of using pictures, gestures, and acting while speaking to make it more like the experience of a child first learning to speak. It also completely discounts speaking a language to learn it. Your are supposed to just gather “comprehensible input”, as that is the only way you are going to truly learn, according to the theory. The input is “comprehensible” because you understand the meaning of the speech, thanks to the gestures and drawings of the speaker, even through you do not understand the language yet.
Something I’ve noticed when listening to native or near-native Spanish speakers is they will mix in certain English words that usually reflects some new technology or imported concept, rather than adopt a specific word for it. Although this can also vary. Spaniards call computers “ordinators”, while Mexicans tend to call them “computeradoras”.

In this video, I noted that the speaker, a Spaniard, called the act of snowboarding, “hacer snow” a few times. In Spanish the substance that falls from the sky would be called “nieve”, so, to his ear, the word “snow” is connected with the concept of snowboarding.

A Comparison and Contrast of Ayn Rand and Murray Rothbard On Warfare

Ayn Rand on Warfare

As far as I can tell, Ayn Rand did not write much about when a nation has a right to use organized physical force, on a mass-level, against other nations or other armed groups.

Her essay, “The Roots of War” discusses how Statism is the fundamental source of war in modern times. In that essay, she does not explicitly deal with when, and to what extent, a free or semi-free nation may use its military force. She does make it clear that a free nation should have a military, and that sometimes it should be used:

Needless to say, unilateral pacifism is merely an invitation to aggression. Just as an individual has the right of self-defense, so has a free country if attacked. But this does not give its government the right to draft men into military service-which is the most blatantly statist violation of a man’s right to his own life. There is no contradiction between the moral and the practical: a volunteer army is the most efficient army, as many military authorities have testified. A free country has never lacked volunteers when attacked by a foreign aggressor. But not many men would volunteer for such ventures as Korea or Vietnam. Without drafted armies, the foreign policies of statist or mixed economies would not be possible.” (“The Roots of War”, Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, Ayn Rand, emphasis added.)

Determining when an individual can use force in self-defense can be quite difficult by itself. It becomes even more complicated when the issue is “scaled up” to a nation-wide or world-wide level.

Since I cannot find anything from Rand’s explicit writings on the conditions under which a country can use military force, I want to start by looking at her writing on when an individual can use physical force.

One passage that I have found helpful in making the distinction between the use of physical force in an improper way verses the use of physical force in a moral manner comes from her essay “The Objectivist Ethics”. In that essay, she discusses what is the difference between the use of physical force “in retaliation” and the use of physical force as an “initiation”:

The ethical principle involved is simple and clear-cut: it is the difference between murder and self-defense. A holdup man seeks to gain a value, wealth, by killing his victim; the victim does not grow richer by killing a holdup man. The principle is: no man may obtain any values from others by resorting to physical force.” (The Objectivist Ethics, Ayn Rand)

For Rand, whether force is “retaliatory”, which is moral, or an “initiation”, and therefore immoral, turns on her view of values, and who is entitled to those values. For Rand, a value is that which one acts to gain and or keep, with the ultimate value being “man’s life”:

The Objectivist ethics holds man’s life as the standard of value- and his own life as the ethical purpose of every individual man.” (The Objectivist Ethics, Ayn Rand)

So, one must hold “man’s life” as the standard, and the purpose of holding that standard for each individual man is his own life. Values are those things which one must have in order to live. Thanks to their rational faculty, human beings can create these values in much greater quantities than they would exist in nature. (For instance, agricultural technology creates much more food per acre of land than would typically be found growing in a similarly sized area of natural land.)

If each man holds his own life as his ethical purpose, then the values he creates, are for himself and for maintaining his own life. In the case of using physical force, whether that force takes the form of a punch, a bullet, or a bomb, it is an “initiation of physical force”, if one is attempting to obtain the values which others have created for their own sustenance. It is “retaliatory force” if one is merely attempting to keep what one has created for oneself.

Something that is not quite captured by the quote from Rand above is the case of someone not trying to gain the values of others, like a bank robber. Some people are simply trying to destroy the values of others, such as a terrorist who kills for some obscure political reason, or a “serial murderer”, who may kill not because they gain any particular value, in any rational sense, from it, but to satisfy some psychological craving. In that case, I think she would still consider this to be an initiation of physical force because they seek to deprive others of their values. So, I think you could expand the concept of an initiation of physical force to include both the use of physical force to gain the values of others, and also to destroy the values of others.

At any rate, Rand’s point is clear. It is not the physical act, the use of physical force, that makes something an “initiation of physical force” versus “retaliatory force”. The action itself may look the same, and the context in which it occurs will determine whether it is “initiation” or “retaliation”. For instance, you cannot merely see a man shoot another man and conclude with certainty that the man who fired the bullet has initiated physical force. You would need to know something about the conditions under which that occurred. For instance, if it was revealed that the person who was shot was wearing a vest of explosives under his jacket, and had just expressed an intention to go detonate it in a crowded movie theater, the shooter is quite probably acting in retaliation against an initiation of physical force. In that case, the man wearing the hidden explosive vest has taken affirmative steps to kill a large number of people by putting together the explosive vest, putting it on, walking towards the movie theater, and expressing an intent to use the bomb. He has initiated the use of physical force. (Although the act is not completed yet.) He has started the use of physical force, and that physical force is directed at the destruction of other people’s values, in this case, their very lives.

For Rand, a nation or a society is nothing but a number of individuals:

A nation, like any other group, is only a number of individuals and can have no rights other than the rights of its individual citizens.” (“Collectivized ‘Rights’” Ayn Rand, http://aynrandlexicon.com/ayn-rand-ideas/collectivized-rights.html )

Therefore, a nation and its military has no greater rights than the rights of its individual citizens. What would be an initiation of physical force for an individual would be an initiation for a nation. Similarly, retaliatory force for a nation is physical force that is not aimed at gaining the values of others or depriving others of their values, but at protecting the values of the nation’s citizens.

Murray Rothbard on Warfare

Murray Rothbard seems to hold similar views to those of Rand when it comes to the state as nothing but a collection of individuals.

Additionally, he would hold that all states, insofar as they hold the exclusive right to the use of retaliatory physical force in a given geographic area, are illegitimate, but I am not looking to address his advocacy of “anarcho-capitalism” here. I am instead considering his views on warfare, within the existing framework of nations, as he does in Chapter 25 of his book, The Ethics of Liberty.

For instance, early in Chapter 25 of his book, Rothbard says:

To be more concrete, if Jones finds that his property is being stolen by Smith, Jones has the right to repel him and try to catch him; but Jones has no right to repel him by bombing a building and murdering innocent people or to catch him by spraying machine gun fire into an innocent crowd. If he does this, he is as much (or more of) a criminal aggressor as Smith is.” (The Ethics of Liberty, Rothbard, Chapter 25, Pg 190)

But, what if Smith deliberately hides in a crowd of people, and fires his gun at Jones? Can Jones fire back? Whose fault is it if Jones accidentally hits a bystander during the course of returning fire on Smith, when Smith deliberately used other people as cover? Rothbard does not address the issue.

Rothbard then “scales up” his individual scenario to a group of individuals:

The same criteria hold if Smith and Jones each have men on his side, i.e. if ‘war’ breaks out between Smith and his henchmen and Jones and his bodyguards. If Smith and a group of henchmen aggress against Jones, and Jones and his bodyguards pursue the Smith gang to their lair, we may cheer Jones on in his endeavor; and we, and others in society interested in repelling aggression, may contribute financially or personally to Jones’s cause. But Jones and his men have no right, any more than does Smith, to aggress against anyone else in the course of their “just war”: to steal others’ property in order to finance their pursuit, to conscript others into their posse by use of violence, or to kill others in the course of their struggle to capture the Smith forces. If Jones and his men should do any of these things, they become criminals as fully as Smith, and they too become subject to whatever sanctions are meted out against criminality. In fact, if Smith’s crime was theft, and Jones should use conscription to catch him, or should kill innocent people in the pursuit, then Jones becomes more of a criminal than Smith, for such crimes against another person as enslavement and murder are surely far worse than theft.” (The Ethics of Liberty, Rothbard, Chapter 25, Pg 190)

Rothbard never seems to want to address, in Chapter 25 of “The Ethics of Liberty”, to what degree, if at all, you can risk the lives of innocent people in defending yourself. If you cannot risk the lives of others at all, then there are very few cases where even clear-cut acts of self-defense are justified. A bullet could always go astray and hit an innocent bystander.

For Rothbard, exactly who has violated rights, if you are forced to defend yourself, shoot an attacker, and, for instance, the bullet goes through your attacker and hits someone behind him? Common law legal systems would likely limit culpability to what is ‘foreseeable’, or some other similar concept. This is the idea that whether you commit a rights violation has something to do with your intent, and/or what you could have expected to be the reasonable probable result of your actions. So, if a bullet goes through your attacker, makes a weird series of ricochets, and hits someone you didn’t even know was behind your attacker, you are probably going to be excused from any sort of legal culpability. (It should go, almost without saying, that nothing I say here should be construed as legal advice.)

My point is, your intentions, your state of mind, to some extent, matters when you use force. Why does your state of mind matter? I think Ayn Rand would say it’s because it points to your purpose in using force. If your purpose in using force is to protect your values, that is different from using force to destroy another person’s values, or to gain another person’s values:

The ethical principle involved is simple and clear-cut: it is the difference between murder and self-defense. A holdup man seeks to gain a value, wealth, by killing his victim; the victim does not grow richer by killing a holdup man. The principle is: no man may obtain any values from others by resorting to physical force.” (The Objectivist Ethics, Ayn Rand, emphasis added.)

Accidentally shooting a bystander while defending yourself from a robber is not an attempt to obtain values. This is not to say that all such accidental shootings of bystanders should be completely excused by the legal system. Maybe some particularly reckless acts in self-defense should cause some level of criminal liability, but the level of culpability is probably not the same.

When you shoot a hold up man in self-defense, and accidentally shoot someone else, your level of culpability is lesser (although possibly not completely excused). Why? because you were not seeking ‘to gain a value’. You were seeking to protect a value. Your intentions when using force matter.

What does this all have to do with warfare? It gives us guidance on how to look at uses of force by certain countries. If a country is attempting to kill enemy soldiers and accidentally kills civilians in the process, this is not the same level of culpability as intentionally targeting civilians, because the country is not seeking to destroy values. Furthermore, it may even completely excuse the unintentional killing of civilians, in some circumstances.

Go back to the individual level for a moment. Imagine if a criminal shoots at you with a baby strapped to his chest. You have no ability to take cover, and you cannot safely run away without getting shot, so you shoot back and kill the baby in the process of shooting the robber. Have you violated the baby’s rights? I think the answer is very circumstantial, but I can see a set of circumstances where you would have no other choice. (It’s an extreme, ‘lifeboat scenario’, admittedly.) In that case, the fault lies with the person who strapped a baby to his chest and then tried to kill you, leaving you with no other choice but to die, or shoot back.

More fundamentally, how is the risk that you might hit an innocent bystander in an act of self-defense different from the possibility that, for instance, your car might suffer a mechanical breakdown while you’re driving it, go out of control, and hit a pedestrian? Both are actions aimed at enhancing or promoting your life. Both could have unintentional and even unforeseeable, deadly consequences for innocent third parties. I do not think that others have a right to be 100% risk-free from your actions. If that were the case, then things like airplanes would have to be illegal. It’s always possible an airplane will malfunction, fall from the sky, and kill a family in their home. Airline companies, to a certain extent, put us all at risk of death from crashing airplanes.

All other people have a right to is that you will not: (a) intentionally use force to deprive them of values, nor will you: (b) use force in such a way that it would be reasonably foreseeable that the force would deprive them of their values. (Examples of such unreasonable uses of force would be things such as: driving a car at 80 mph through a neighborhood street where children are about, target shooting with your gun in a field that children are playing in, etc.)

Expand the situation of the criminal using a baby strapped to his chest as a human shield to the national level. If an organization of terrorists hides behind civilians, and then fires rockets at your country, can your army shoot back with rockets? Again, it’s going to be very circumstantial. Sometimes, the army might be able to stop the attacks in some other way, such as an anti-missile system. But, sometimes, the army may have to fire missiles back, and, in the process, unintentionally kill civilians. In that case, the fault lies with the terrorists, not with the army. The terrorists are no different than the criminal who tries to murder you while using another person as a human shield. The responsibility for the death of any innocents lies with the terrorists. For Rand, I believe the initiation of physical force, the rights violation, lies with the person who used other people as cover while committing acts of violence.

Rothbard, on the other hand, does not seem to agree with this. For instance, he considers all nuclear weapons to be illegitimate:

“…a particularly libertarian reply is that while the bow and arrow, and even the rifle, can be pinpointed, if the will be there, against actual criminals, that modern nuclear weapons cannot. Here is a crucial difference in kind. Of course, the bow and arrow could be used for aggressive purposes, but it could also be pinpointed to use only against aggressors. Nuclear weapons, even ‘conventional’ aerial bombs, cannot be. These weapons are ipso facto engines of indiscriminate mass destruction. (The only exception would be the extremely rare case where a mass of people who were all criminals inhabited a vast geographical area.) We must, therefore, conclude that the use of nuclear or similar weapons, or the threat thereof, is a crime against humanity for which there can be no justification.” (The Ethics of Liberty, Rothbard, Chapter 25, Pg 190, emphasis added.)

First, it must be noted that this seems like a suicidal viewpoint. In a world where countries like China and Russia have nuclear weapons, to say nothing of North Korea and Iran, Rothbard’s apparent call for unilateral nuclear disarmament by freer Western nations would mean we’d be subject to nuclear annihilation at the whim of some dictator. But, more fundamentally, who has initiated physical force here? Is it the United States for threatening to obliterate North Korea should that totalitarian dictatorship attempt to harm our citizens, or is it the madmen (and women) in charge of that country? Does the United States gain a value in destroying North Korea’s ability to wage war against us, or does the United States merely preserve the values of its people -that is their lives, liberty and property?

(As an aside, I think Rothbard also forgets about a use of nuclear weapons that would not involve the death of innocent civilians. Imagine an island nation, in say, the East China Sea, that was being invaded by a much larger nation from the mainland. That invasion force would come in the form of a floating armada of ships. What if the island nation were to use nuclear weapons to obliterate the invasion force while it was still in the water? No civilians would be harmed, and the possession of nuclear weapons by that island nation would serve as a deterrent to invasion.)

Rothbard is also fairly explicit that all modern warfare is illegitimate:

All State wars, therefore, involve increased aggression against the State’s own taxpayers, and almost all State wars (all, in modern warfare) involve the maximum aggression (murder) against the innocent civilians ruled by the enemy State.” (The Ethics of Liberty, Rothbard, Chapter 25, Pg 193)

At root, I think the difference between Rothbard and Rand on the legitimacy of certain acts of warfare by freer nations comes down to Rothbard either misunderstanding, or explicitly rejecting, the fact that the distinction between an “initiation of physical force” and “retaliatory physical force” lies in what values are, and what ultimate purpose they serve. I think Rothbard desired to create a “libertarian” view of Rand’s non-initiation of physical force principle that is severed from Rand’s underlying view of values, and the standard of “man’s life”. I started reading Rothbard’s book, “The Ethics of Liberty” prior to October 7, 2023, but those events caused me to want to write something about his views on warfare in particular. In the future, I will turn back to a comparison and contrast of other features of his book to the ideas of Ayn Rand.

On The Nature of A Shoehorn

Sometimes when reading Ayn Rand, I will read something that seems true, but fairly trivial or unimportant to my particular life. This was generally true when it came to her description of the law of identity. I first read the entry in the Ayn Rand Lexicon on the law of identity sometime in the 1990’s:

To exist is to be something, as distinguished from the nothing of non-existence, it is to be an entity of a specific nature made of specific attributes. …A is A. A thing is itself.” (Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged, as found in “The Ayn Rand Lexicon”   http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/identity.html)

I didn’t see why saying “A is A” had any importance whatsoever. Of course a thing is itself. So what? How is it useful to go around stating the obvious?

About thirty years later, I have at least some inkling of why this formulation is important. The following true story from my life will hopefully give some concrete evidence for the practical benefits of keeping the law of identity in mind in one’s daily life.

I have three shoehorns. One of which I keep in my car, mainly so that I can change into a pair of wingtips I like to wear when I go dancing. (I also typically keep the wingtips in my car.) The shoes are narrow, and difficult to put on without a shoehorn. (I have narrow heels.)

I try to keep the shoehorn in a specific place in my car, so that I always know where it is, and don’t misplace it. Unfortunately, earlier this summer, my car had to go into the auto repair shop for quite an extended time. I have another, older vehicle,  a Chevy Trailblazer, which I have been driving in the meantime. When my car went in the shop, I put my wingtips in the Trailblazer, along with the shoehorn.

The layout of the Trailblazer is different from my regular car, causing everything to be out of place, including my shoehorn. Back around early to mid-June, I could not find the shoehorn one day. I searched everywhere I could think to look in that old Trailblazer for the shoehorn, but I could not find it.

I finally gave up on my search and was starting to think I’d have to buy another shoehorn. I usually keep two in my regular vehicle, but the other one was still with that car, which was in the shop. I keep my third shoehorn in my home so that I can put my work shoes on. Since I was busy with other things, I never got around to buying another shoehorn. (I just made do with almost completely unlacing my shoes to be able to fit my feet into them, which is rather time consuming and inconvenient.) A couple of weeks later, I looked down in the front passenger side floorboard of the Trailblazer, and there was my shoehorn. I had searched that area, as well as under the passenger seat, even getting out a flashlight to illuminate dark areas. I had not seen the shoehorn, and yet there it was, lying in plain sight.

I joked to myself that this shoehorn was like the “ring of power” from “The Lord of the Rings”.

This reference may take some explanation for those who are not familiar with those books. In the Tolkien series, an evil magical ring that gives people invisibility and various other powers, is described as having a sort of “will of its own”:

Gandalf explains that a Ring of Power is self-serving and can ‘look after itself’: the One Ring in particular, can ‘slip off treacherously’ to return to its master Sauron, betraying its bearer when an opportunity arrives.” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rings_of_Power#Powers

In other words, the ring of power has its own agenda, and you will lose it, and someone else will find it when it so chooses. In the novels, Bilbo Baggins finds the ring after another character, Gollum, loses it. Basically, the ring decided it was time for Gollum to lose it, and for Bilbo to find it.

A few weeks later, I went on a vacation, and packed the same shoehorn in my suitcase. Guess what happened when I got back from my trip? I could not find the shoehorn again. I had only taken one suitcase, so if I had brought it back with me, the shoehorn had to be there. I gave the suitcase what I thought was a pretty thorough search, but I could not find it. Thinking again of the ring of power, I started to give up on my search for the shoehorn. Then I explicitly thought:

Of course, I’m just joking with myself. The shoehorn has a specific nature. It’s not magical, because everything is what it is, and nothing more.”

Explicitly thinking this way led me to the following additional thoughts: “What is the identity of the shoehorn?” I started naming its characteristics or attributes in my mind. I thought: “It’s small, and it’s dark. Both of which make it easily misplaced and easy not to see, given the nature of the human eye.”

I also thought: “What is the identity of my suitcase?” I then started thinking about its attributes. It has one main compartment, and it has two smaller, pouch-like compartments with zippers on the outside. I had checked all three of those locations, and the shoehorn wasn’t there. Then I remembered one other thing about the nature of my suitcase: It has a detachable, somewhat clear, zipper pouch about 10 inches by 5 inches in size. This pouch attaches on the inside main compartment of the suitcase, at the top, by a pair of snaps. I use it to hold toiletries, like my toothbrush. I also keep items in there that I always need, even when I’m not on a trip, like a toothbrush and toothpaste. In other words, there is always some stuff in this small plastic pouch that could obscure something like a shoehorn from my vision on a cursory inspection. I didn’t think I would have put the shoehorn in there because it isn’t a toiletry item. But, I decided I should check it out, and guess what I found?

I believe that this rather mundane example illustrates an important point. Sometimes you have to mentally summon the law of identity, expressly, in order to banish incorrect thinking. In my simple example here, I had “half-jokingly” thought the shoehorn had some magical or mystical properties that made it incapable of being located by me. As a result, I think I started to give up on my search for the shoehorn. It’s like that mystical thinking demotivated me to look for the shoehorn, because I was falling into a pattern of thinking that the shoehorn was somehow intrinsically incapable of being found.

It wasn’t until I willfully re-asserted a “mental framework” that was more rational, with the law of identity, that I was able to think clearly about where the shoehorn could be.

Just like everything else, the human mind has a specific identity, or nature. Part of that identity is that it can develop incorrect thinking patterns or habits, that are detached from reality. In this case, I was falling into the thinking habit of believing my shoehorn was somehow inherently without identity, and therefore unlocatable by me. By mentally summoning the law of identity in my mind, and rededicating my mental attitude to that principle, I was able to develop a specific methodology or plan for locating a lost item. Adhering to the law of identity led to my eventual success in finding the shoehorn.

I would add that adhering to the law of identity doesn’t guarantee success. Sometimes you can do everything right, and factors beyond your control make victory impossible. It might have been the case that I had somehow lost the shoehorn in my hotel room, and left it there. In that case, it would have been unrecoverable. But, by thinking of its specific nature, I was able to better exhaust the possible scenarios under which it was still in my possession in the sense of being lost in some other item of property of mine, like my suitcase. Adhering to the law of identity allowed me to banish any “mystical based” thinking, which thereby maximized my chance of success, even if that chance of success wasn’t 100%.

The law of identity is more than a mere tautology. It can be the difference between victory and defeat. (Or, between putting on my shoes and going barefoot.)

 

What Is The Right to Life?

There are two philosophical/political groups in contemporary society that I know of who seem to speak of a “right to life”, more than anyone. The first group are the so-called “conservatives” when they talk about the issue of abortion. They hold themselves out as being proponents of the “right to life”. The other group are those who admire or ascribe to the fundamentals of the philosophy of Ayn Rand, such as myself. How is the conservative position on the “right to life” different from Ayn Rand’s position on the right to life, specifically when it comes to the issue of abortion? What do conservatives mean when they speak of a “right to life”, and is that different from how Ayn Rand speaks of a right to life?

I will explore this issue below. My goal here is to contrast, not to refute, the conservative position with that of Ayn Rand. I am not primarily engaging in a polemical argument here for purposes of debate. This does not mean I am neutral on this topic. My position on this subject will probably be apparent. I have also expressed some of my views regarding this matter before.

Ayn Rand on the Right to Life

A ‘right’ is a moral principle defining and sanctioning a man’s freedom of action in a social context. There is only one fundamental right (all the others are its consequences or corollaries): a man’s right to his own life. Life is a process of self-sustaining and self-generated action; the right to life means the right to engage in self-sustaining and self-generated action—which means: the freedom to take all the actions required by the nature of a rational being for the support, the furtherance, the fulfillment and the enjoyment of his own life. (Such is the meaning of the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.)” (“Man’s Rights”, The Virtue of Selfishness, Ayn Rand) http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/life,_right_to.html

Some essential features of the Randian view on the right to life include:

(1) Life is self-sustaining and self-generated action

In other words, individuals are required, by the nature of reality, to take action to produce the values necessary for their survival. The values needed to live, like food, clothing and shelter, do not generally exist in nature. They must be produced by someone.

(2) Rights are about freedom of action in a social context. What is meant by a “social context”?

Some dictionary definitions of “society” are:

“…companionship or association with one’s fellows : friendly or intimate intercourse…”

“…a voluntary association of individuals for common ends especially : an organized group working together or periodically meeting because of common interests, beliefs, or profession…”

https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/society

So, “society” is a group of individuals interacting with each other. For Rand, social interaction is about the gain derived from doing so, for each individual. Society is not an end in itself. “Society” has no existence apart from the individuals that comprise it. http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/society.html

For Rand, “freedom of action in a social context” means the individual ability to act without certain types of force being used, either directly or through threats, to stop that action, by others in society.

What kinds action must individuals be free to take in a social context? They must be free to “…engage in self-sustaining and self-generated action…”

(3) Can some people have the right deprive others of their lives, in order to sustain their own existence?

Since each human being must be free to take the actions necessary to sustain his own life, and it is his right to do so, there can be no “welfare rights”. In other words, there can be no right for others to provide food, clothing, shelter, or the other necessities of life.

“The right to life means that a man has the right to support his life by his own work (on any economic level, as high as his ability will carry him); it does not mean that others must provide him with the necessities of life.”  (“Man’s Rights”, The Virtue of Selfishness, Ayn Rand, emphasis added.) http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/life,_right_to.html

The “Conservative” Position on the “Right to Life”

There is a certain amount of difficulty in understanding and explaining the conservative position on this issue. There is no single “conservative voice” that speaks for everyone calling their self a conservative on this or any other issue. I will therefore highlight three different positions, taken by individuals or institutions, that I think will be widely regarded as representative. These are: Ronald Reagan, the Catholic Church, and Billy Graham.

(1) Ronald Reagan

Ronald Reagan spoke of the fetal “right to life” in a Presidential Proclamation in 1988:

One of those unalienable rights, as the Declaration of Independence affirms so eloquently, is the right to life. In the 15 years since the Supreme Court’s decision in Roe v. Wade, however, America’s unborn have been denied their right to life. Among the tragic and unspeakable results in the past decade and a half have been the loss of life of 22 million infants before birth; the pressure and anguish of countless women and girls who are driven to abortion; and a cheapening of our respect for the human person and the sanctity of human life.”  (Proclamation 5761 — National Sanctity of Human Life Day, 1988) https://www.reaganlibrary.gov/archives/speech/proclamation-5761-national-sanctity-human-life-day-1988

Reagan references the Declaration of Independence, which says:

“…all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed…” (Declaration of Independence)

Rand’s position is similar to that of the Founding Fathers: “The only proper purpose of a government is to protect man’s rights, which means: to protect him from physical violence.” (Atlas Shrugged, Ayn Rand) http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/government.html

Since Reagan believes that a fetus has the same “right to life” as a biologically distinct human being, he must have believed that government must take action to protect that right. (The contradiction will become apparent when we discuss what a “fetal right to life” would have to entail, below.)

(2) The Catholic Church

The Catholic church, and various Popes, have spoken on the issue of abortion many times. The Catholic church’s positions on issues like abortion is often very philosophical, and well thought-out. As such, their pronouncements are often very revealing of the institution’s fundamental philosophy and governing principles.

For instance, Pope John Paul II wrote the following on the subject of abortion:

Man is called to a fullness of life which far exceeds the dimensions of his earthly existence, because it consists in sharing the very life of God. The loftiness of this supernatural vocation reveals the greatness and the inestimable value of human life even in its temporal phase…. At the same time, it is precisely this supernatural calling which highlights the relative character of each individual’s earthly life. After all, life on earth is not an ‘ultimate’ but a ‘penultimate’ reality…” (IOANNES PAULUS PP. II, EVANGELIUM VITAE “To the Bishops Priests and Deacons Men and Women religious lay Faithful and all People of Good Will on the Value and Inviolability of Human Life”)  https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_25031995_evangelium-vitae.html

Here, the Pope said that human life is not primarily its “temporal phase”, i.e., our actual biological existence, and the sum-total of our experiences, emotions, thoughts, goals, desires, and happiness. In fact, so says the Pope, our “life on earth” is not an “ultimate” but a “penultimate” reality. In other words, the life that you actually live is nothing but a mere means to the end of your “spiritual life” after you die. (Who determines what is best for that “spiritual life”? The Pope, of course.)

It is rare to see such an express contrast to Ayn Rand’s philosophy laid bare like this. Rand said:

Man must choose his actions, values and goals by the standard of that which is proper to man—in order to achieve, maintain, fulfill and enjoy that ultimate value, that end in itself, which is his own life.” (“The Objectivist Ethics”, The Virtue of Selfishness, Ayn Rand, emphasis added.) http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/standard_of_value.html

By way of contrast, the Pope is saying that this life is “penultimate”, which means “…last but one in a series of things; second last…”. In other words, your actual life that you are living is merely a means to the end of your “spiritual life”, which is the “ultimate value” according to the Catholic church. The Pope says you are to sacrifice this life for a (non-existent) afterlife.

Pope John Paul II went on to say that the “threat” of abortion is the same as the threat of things like poverty, hunger, and disease:

Today this proclamation is especially pressing because of the extraordinary increase and gravity of threats to the life of individuals and peoples, especially where life is weak and defenceless. In addition to the ancient scourges of poverty, hunger, endemic diseases, violence and war, new threats are emerging on an alarmingly vast scale.” (IOANNES PAULUS PP. II, EVANGELIUM VITAE “To the Bishops Priests and Deacons Men and Women religious lay Faithful and all People of Good Will on the Value and Inviolability of Human Life”) https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_25031995_evangelium-vitae.html

An earlier Pope said that the right to life comes not from the fetus’s parent’s but directly from God:

Besides, every human being, even the child in the womb, has the right to life directly from God and not from his parents, not from any society or human authority. Therefore, there is no man, no human authority, no science, no ‘indication’ at all—whether it be medical, eugenic, social, economic, or moral—that may offer or give a valid judicial title for a direct deliberate disposal of an innocent human life, that is, a disposal which aims at its destruction, whether as an end in itself or as a means to achieve the end, perhaps in no way at all illicit. Thus, for example, to save the life of the mother is a very noble act; but the direct killing of the child as a means to such an end is illicit.”  (Address to Midwives on the Nature of Their Profession Pope Pius XII – 1951) https://www.papalencyclicals.net/Pius12/P12midwives.htm

No “human authority” has the right to sanction abortion, which means the Pope has the right to impose his will over that of any democratically elected government. (So much for governments being instituted among Men.)

Given this authoritarian premise, it is no wonder that some Catholic Bishops are seeking to influence the American political system by denying communion to prominent pro-choice Democrats like Nancy Pelosi and Joe Biden. (https://www.miamiherald.com/news/article261652522.html )

(3) Billy Graham

Protestant Evangelicals tend to follow a similar line of reasoning as the Pope and the Catholic church:

Q: Where in the Bible does it say that abortion is wrong, even murder?  A: From the writings of the Rev. Billy Graham Abortion has divided our nation like no other issue in recent times. The Bible places the highest value on human life. It is sacred and of inestimable worth to God, who created it ‘in His own image.’ The Bible recognizes the unborn as being fully human…. We must never think that we can solve one moral crisis by condoning another, especially the crime of murder, for unrestrained abortion is nothing less than that…. The issue of abortion is not whether people have the right to terminate the life of a child; the real issue is whether or not people will insist on running their own lives according to worldly standards that oppose God’s law.https://billygraham.org/answer/where-in-the-bible-does-it-say-that-abortion-is-wrong-even-murder/

The only likely difference from the Catholics is that Protestants believe the information can all be obtained from the Bible. One doesn’t need an “intermediary” with god, like the Pope, to explain what God wants -you’re supposed to waste your life on nothing all by yourself.

Billy Graham believed that abortion was murder, and that the primary issue is not whether people have the right to an abortion, but whether or not people will insist on running their own lives according to “…worldly standards that oppose God’s law”.

Just as Pope John Paul II indicated, our lives, for Protestant Evangelicals, are not of ultimate importance. Our lives serve some “spiritual life” that we have after we die. We are to live not for our own sake, but for when we die. In practice, this means we are supposed to listen to people like the Pope and Billy Graham, and renounce our happiness in the here and now to the extent they say it is necessary to keep from “opposing God’s law”.

A Common Theme Amongst Conservative Voices On This Issue

All three of these conservative positions rely on the following assumption: The mere fact that a fetus is reflexively and biologically attached to the mother’s uterus, means that the mother has an obligation to allow the fetus to remain biologically attached to her uterus for nine months.  The conservative position on the right to life is not just that a fetus has a right to exist on its own, like an actual person, since it cannot. It has a right to be provided with nutrition, sustenance and biological protection from the elements while it develops.

It is undoubtable that even if the fetus could somehow be medically removed from the mother’s uterus surgically without damaging it, this would still be considered murder by the “conservative right to lifers”. (Since a very undeveloped fetus outside the uterus, say within the first few months of development, would die within seconds or minutes.)

To illustrate the conservative position with a more extreme example, if a woman told her doctor to surgically remove her uterus, along with the fetus inside, this would certainly be considered no different than an abortion by the conservative institutions and individuals listed above. They would consider it murder, even though the woman is in no way damaging the fetus itself. (She has simply withdrawn biological sustenance from the fetus.)

This is why the most consistent and philosophical of the three “groups” of conservatives above, the Catholic Church, see their view of the “right to life” as no different than the supposed “right” of poor people to receive free food, medical care, and other welfare benefits from the state:

“”Whatever is opposed to life itself, such as any type of murder, genocide, abortion, euthanasia, or wilful self-destruction, whatever violates the integrity of the human person, such as mutilation, torments inflicted on body or mind, attempts to coerce the will itself; whatever insults human dignity, such as subhuman living conditions, arbitrary imprisonment, deportation, slavery, prostitution, the selling of women and children; as well as disgraceful working conditions, where people are treated as mere instruments of gain rather than as free and responsible persons; all these things and others like them are infamies indeed.https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_25031995_evangelium-vitae.html

Here, the Pope is saying that not only is abortion a sin, but so is free market capitalism. Employers and employees don’t set the terms of working conditions in accordance with their own self-interest. Furthermore, it is an “infamy” to let people live in “subhuman living conditions”, implying that the poor must be provided with housing even if they have chosen not to work to earn the money necessary to obtain shelter.

Later in the same article, the Pope makes his desire to redistribute wealth more explicit. The Catholic church is often criticized for causing hardship amongst poor Catholics by discouraging birth control. As a result, traditional Catholic families are often too large in the poorer countries of Latin America, resulting in real hardship, and even starvation, for those large families. The Pope’s solution to this problem? Don’t blame the Church’s birth control policies. Blame capitalism and the failure to redistribute wealth from wealthy countries to poor countries:

In the face of over- population in the poorer countries, instead of forms of global intervention at the international level-serious family and social policies, programmes of cultural development and of fair production and distribution of resources-anti-birth policies continue to be enacted.” https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/encyclicals/documents/hf_jp-ii_enc_25031995_evangelium-vitae.html

The Conservative “Right to Life” Position Is Really A “Right To Receive Welfare Benefits Provided By Others” Stance

Unlike the Randian position, which says each individual is free to take action to sustain his or her own life, the conservative position on the “right to life” is the “right” of a fetus to receive biological sustenance for nine months, just like the “workers” supposedly have a right to a “fair wage”, that is not set by free competition and freedom of contract in a free market. The fetus has the same “right to life” as is claimed by socialists when it comes to providing cradle to the grave welfare benefits to those who did not produce anything. It has the same internal contradiction, too. It ignores the question: Provided by whom?

If some men are entitled by right to the products of the work of others, it means that those others are deprived of rights and condemned to slave labor.” (“Man’s Rights” in Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.) There can be no such thing as the right to enslave, i.e., the right to destroy rights.http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/welfare_state.html

At least with the socialists’ “worker’s rights” we are referring to actual, biologically distinct, human beings. In the case of the “rights of the unborn”, we’re talking about enslaving women to imaginary people.

 

 

Whoopi Goldberg On Systematic Nazi Mass-Murder

I was rather surprised to see this controversy, since I think Whoopi Goldberg is correct:

“‘Let’s be truthful, the Holocaust isn’t about race, it’s not. It’s about man’s inhumanity to man, that’s what it’s about. These are two groups of white people,’ she said on The View on Monday.” https://www.theguardian.com/culture/2022/feb/02/whoopi-goldberg-suspended-from-the-view-after-saying-holocaust-isnt-about-race

Jews living in Germany at the time of World War II can’t really be called another race, in my opinion.

Mein Kampf asserts that they are another race. If you read it, you’ll see that Hitler saw the perceived racial difference as the reason for regarding Jews as a danger to the German people. But, I don’t see any evidence that would justify treating Jews as a different race.

I think the concept of “race” is most likely a real concept, that is based in reality. I’m not an expert, but it is my understanding that forensic anthropologists can determine a skeleton’s likely ancestry with high probability by examining their skull. https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/26270337/  (Although there is debate, about the accuracy of this type of determination. So my certainty on this issue is not 100%. https://www.science.org/content/article/forensic-anthropologists-can-try-identify-person-s-race-skull-should-they )

I think the outrage here derives from the modern notion that race is “socially constructed” or that it isn’t a real thing. In this view, the white majority is simply imposing something on black people that doesn’t exist for purposes of exploiting them.

I think a lot of that debate turns around how “race” is defined. I’d say I define it as something like: “Where most of your ancestors originate from in the last 10,000 years.” Biological populations can have a lot of variations, but biologists seem to have no problem identifying a plethora of sub-species within other animal groups besides human beings. For instance, there are 9 sub-species of Tiger, and they all look the same to me, as a non-biologist. https://www.livescience.com/29822-tiger-subspecies-images.html So, why is it controversial to recognize that people whose ancestors are mostly from Africa, Asia, or Europe are different sub-species? (Especially when its fairly easy for me to tell the difference just by looking at them, but I see no difference with Tiger sub-species.)

I will also acknowledge that I am not 100% certain on this issue. Much of what we consider “race” may, in fact, have no basis in biological reality. It’s largely a scientific issue to be decided by scientists, but I suspect the issue is not being honestly addressed due to the fear by scientists that they will loose funding or jobs if they come up with answers the political left doesn’t like.

The danger of Mein Kampf doesn’t lie primarily in Jew hatred, but in the fact that it advocates collectivism:

It took centuries and a brain-stopping chain of falsehoods to bring a whole people to the state of Hitler-worship. Modern German culture, including its Nazi climax, is the result of a complex development in the history of philosophy…

If we view the West’s philosophic development in terms of essentials, three fateful turning points stand out, three major philosophers who, above all others, are responsible for generating the disease of collectivism and transmitting it to the dictators of our century.

The three are: Plato—Kant—Hegel. (The antidote to them is: Aristotle.)” ( The Ominous Parallels: The End of Freedom in America, Peikoff, Leonard)

http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/fascism-nazism.html

https://www.abebooks.com/servlet/SearchResults?kn=the%20ominous%20parallels%20by%20leonard%20peikoff&sts=t&cm_sp=SearchF-_-TopNavISS-_-Results&ds=20

So, at worst, Whoopi Goldberg is guilty of saying something that is likely true (Jews are a not a separate race), which is based in a premise (race is something biologically real), that deserves more study. It certainly doesn’t justify suspension from her TV show. (But, these are the times we live in.)

What Is Culture? Are Some Cultures Better Than Others?

The Dictionary Definition of “Culture”

An online dictionary defines culture as:

“…the customary beliefs, social forms, and material traits of a racial, religious, or social group

also : the characteristic features of everyday existence (such as diversions or a way of life) shared by people in a place or time…” (Definition of “Culture”, Merriam-Webster Online Dictionary, https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/culture )

A “belief” is an idea or set of ideas.

“Social forms” are presumably things like legal and political institutions, customs, and morals of a people.

“Material traits” would likely be things like the architecture, art, forms of entertainment, and methods of producing the material values necessary for survival.

“Way of life” I would assume to be something like: How people live, and what they consider to be important.

For instance, the “way of life” of medieval European people was church-centered, with a small hereditary elite, the nobility, in control of governmental institutions. This elite gave little provision for the dignity and importance of the individual lives of the rest of the population. The majority of the population lived at subsistence levels as farmers, tied to the land. (The serfs.)

This contrasts with modern, western nations, in which religious institutions are generally separated from the organs of state power. Governmental institutions are believed to derive their power from the bulk of the adult population, in theory, even if not always in practice. The majority of the population performs some sort of technology or industrial-based labor, rather than farming. Individuality is more valued. Individual freedom is considered important, even if most modern persons also believe it must occasionally be overridden to advance some alleged “collective” or “group interest”.

“Beliefs” and “ways of life” both imply a set of concepts and value-systems. At root, a particular group’s “culture” lies in the ideas and patterns of thinking they hold. These in turn affect their actions and behavior.

For instance, most medieval Europeans believed forgiveness of their sins could only be achieved through the church. Their actions would have reflected these beliefs with regular church-attendance, and confession to their local priest. When Pope Urban II urged faithful Christians to undertake an armed pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the First Crusade, the people listened. The set of ideas and patterns of thinking they held, influenced their actions. It’s doubtful today that the Pope could bring about a call to arms, even of the most devout Catholics. A declaration of war by a modern Pope would make people doubt his sanity, not fall out for military service. Politics are not considered the Church’s province in the minds of a modern Catholic, at least not to this degree.

Ayn Rand On Culture:

“A nation’s culture is the sum of the intellectual achievements of individual men, which their fellow-citizens have accepted in whole or in part, and which have influenced the nation’s way of life. Since a culture is a complex battleground of different ideas and influences, to speak of a “culture” is to speak only of the dominant ideas, always allowing for the existence of dissenters and exceptions.” (Philosophy: Who Needs It, “Don’t Let It Go”, Ayn Rand, http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/culture.html )

Marxism on Culture:

Not everyone sees ideas or beliefs as an important causal element in what forms the basis of a “culture”. In fact, some thinkers have reversed cause and effect, making ideas and beliefs more of a product of particular social organizations.

Marx believes that ideas are nothing but a rationalization for the dominant class and one’s “material existence” (whether he is Proletarian or Bourgeois):

“Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man’s ideas, views, and conception, in one word, man’s consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in his social life?” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“But don’t wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom, culture, law, &c. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto.)

Marx views the causation as reversed. Your “economical conditions of existence of your class” and your “method of production” determines your ideas, and therefore, your “culture”.

For Marx, it’s not just that someone is born to particular parents, then adopts the ideas of their parents and elders around them, by “mental default”. If that is all he means, then he could simply say: “A person’s culture tends to be the same as the ideas and attitudes of their parents and elders.” One’s “method of production” would have nothing to do with it. Plus, this would be an incomplete explanation, since cultures clearly do change over time. On this explanation, how have human beings gone from hunter-gatherers, to agriculturalists, to a modern industrial and technological civilization?

Furthermore, the phenomena of the change and evolution of the culture of particular groups of people has been noted by scholars. In his book, “Black Rednecks and White Liberals”, Thomas Sowell observes how the white portions of the American South were originally populated by Scots and Irish who brought with them ideas, attitudes and beliefs that lasted after those same cultural patterns had largely died out in Great Britain:

“…a common subculture that goes back for centuries, which has encompassed everything from ways of talking to attitudes toward education, violence, and sex -and which originated not in the South, but in those parts of the British Isles from which white Southerners came. That culture long ago died out where it originated in Britain, while surviving in the American South.” (Black Rednecks and White Liberals, Location 79 of 7391, Kindel Ed., Thomas Sowell)

Why do cultures sometimes change for the better?

Since a culture is nothing but human knowledge, the question becomes: “Why do human beings use their minds to gain knowledge, and prefer correct ideas to incorrect ideas?”

In the realm of material production, the answer is clear. Human beings learn new manufacturing techniques because it makes the production of the material values necessary for their survival easier, or it allows them to produce more values with the same level of effort.

Human beings learned how to make fire because it warmed them on cold nights, and allowed them to cook their food. They learned how to make the bow and arrow because they could take down bigger animals, and defend themselves from others, more effectively. Human beings learned how to make penicillin because it protected them from infections that would have otherwise killed them.

In the field of law, why did human beings go from the absolute rule of monarchs in medieval Europe to rule of law and republican forms of government? Because they found that their lives were less secure when a single man or a group of men had absolute power over their property, freedom, and lives. For those who wanted to live, a constitutional Republic, or constitutional Monarchy, better secured their lives.

Why do some cultures change for the worse?

This is a more difficult question to answer. Not all human beings want to live. For those who don’t want to live, no particular type of action is necessary. Fundamentally, those who value something other than living will have no need to conform their actions to the dictates of the laws of nature and reality. If you want to live, you need to grow or hunt for food, and perform a wide range of other actions. For those who don’t want to live, conforming to reality matters very little. Therefore, the truth or falsity of their ideas matter very little. A culture whose people care so little for life will regard building the Great Pyramid of Giza, and the enormous waste of resources and lives it resulted in, as fundamentally better than the buildings of modern-day New York City, which shelter more than 1.5 million people from the elements. Some societies are fundamentally opposed to life. Their architecture, art, and graveyards reflect it. Every culture is, fundamentally, a battle between those who want to live, and those who do not.

The “takeaways” from what has been said about culture so far are this:

(1) A culture is ultimately a product of human ideas, which can be right or wrong.

(2) What makes cultures right or wrong are the dictates of the laws of nature and reality, combined with the desire of most people to live their individual lives.

(3) When we speak of culture as the dominant ideas of a group of people, it must be kept in mind that within a particular culture, there will exist dissenters and exceptions. (This is one way how cultures can change and evolve over time.)

(4) Within a particular geographic area, different groups of people can have different cultures, even though they are under the same political system. This often has to do with their geographic origins in other parts of the world. (For instance, white Southerners in the United States, versus Northern whites, as identified by Thomas Sowell and others.)

Culture Around the World

One other aspect of culture, that hasn’t been expressly identified so far, should be obvious: Since different racial groups originate in different areas of the world with different cultures, when those racial groups come to another land, they will tend to have different cultures. (Even if one considers “race” to be an invalid concept, you can eliminate that term, and this fundamental truth still remains: “Different groups of people, originating from different areas of the world, with different cultures, will have different cultures when they come to another land.”)

When the dominant ideas of a group of people are less in accordance with reality, and make them less successful at living, what should be done? They should be persuaded to adopt better notions, and to change or modify their ideas and behaviors. This persuasion should occur both internally and externally from the culture. People outsides those cultures should do what they can to encourage change, and people from within that culture, who dissent from it, should do what they can to modify it.

Although individuals have rights to life, liberty, and property, cultures, which are merely ideas, have no right to be free from criticism, because of their mere existence. Furthermore, cultural groups that routinely violate individual rights to life liberty, or property can be stopped with an appropriate and proportional use of force from those outside the culture. For instance,  a group of people that practices cannibalism and ritual human sacrifice can rightly be dissuaded from continuing such practices, with force if necessary. The only limit to the use of retaliatory force in such circumstances is the rational self-interest of the people outside the culture. (There is no “white man’s burden”, which makes it a duty or obligation to stop the savage practices of less culturally developed people.)

Under no circumstances should people from a more advanced culture attempt to accommodate or give sanction to the ideas of a culture that are inferior to the ideas of the more advanced culture. Doing so would be tantamount to a declaration that ideas don’t have truth or falsity. Since the truth matters for those who want to live, it would be a capitulation by those who want to live to those who do not. The sanction of inferior ideas would destroy the more advanced culture, and lead to nothing but death and misery.

Sometimes a less advanced culture may have some ideas that are superior to those of the generally more advanced culture, in a certain context. For instance, the Norsemen colonizing Greenland in the 10th Century are theorized to have died out, in part, because they were unwilling to adapt to local geographic and biological conditions. They might have been better off adapting some of the hunting practices of the local aboriginal people. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3309771/ ) But, this simply shows that no culture is immune from the dictates of reality, if living is their goal. If one moves to a different geographic location, he would have to take that new context into account. He will have to either come up with new technologies, or adapt some of the technologies of others.

Just like one cannot speak of “culture” without recognizing that there may be dissenters within that group of people, so too can one only speak of a culture as more or less “advanced” than another “on the whole”. Medieval Europeans, and certainly post-Renaissance Europeans, had a better conception of science and logic, giving them a greater capacity to adapt better ideas when they encountered them. Such an adaptability is, itself, a cultural trait. It is the concept of “objectivity”, applied to living. It is the willingness to recognize when one’s own particular ideas and patterns of thinking need change and modification to better achieve the goal of living. The European recognition of this fact is found in the high value placed on free speech amongst Europeans and European-descended people. They recognize that the free flow of ideas will allow for the adaption of those notions best suited for living.

Are there cultures in modern-day United States that need to be changed or modified?

Since different people in the United States have different ancestral origins and backgrounds, it is no surprise you can find different cultures within different groups of people here.

The ancestors of most black Americans today came primarily from Africa. (Leaving aside some amount of European DNA through interbreeding.) Since most people uncritically adapt the ideas of their parents and elders over time, the ideas of black Americans reflect this history in Africa and/or the history of their ancestors in the South as slaves.

The cultural differences between the average American with predominate European ancestry, and the average person of mostly African ancestry can be quantified to some extent.  What follows is the data I could find from Internet searches on cultural differences between blacks and whites in three areas: (1) Level of superstitious belief; (2) black belief in “conspiracy theories”, especially with respect to medical distrust, and (3) black parenting differences in the realm of corporal punishment of children.

American blacks tend to be more superstitious than white Americans:

73% of black US adults believe evil spirits can harm, versus 54% of all US adults. (Pg. 65)

78% of black US adults believe prayer can heal illness versus 65% of all US adults. (Pg. 65)

“The findings show that majorities of Black Americans believe in a God with a presence in earthly affairs.” (Pg. 54)

48% of Black Americans think God talks to them directly, versus 30% of all US adults. (Pg. 62)

(“Faith Among Black Americans”, Pew Research Center, https://www.pewforum.org/2021/02/16/faith-among-black-americans/pf_02-16-21_black-religion-00-8/)

Superstition reflects a less scientific worldview. It means a person does not have a firm grasp of concepts like the law of non-contradiction, and of the fact that reality operates in accordance with specific and predictable laws of nature. Superstitious people tend to assume that there is some unknown, and fundamentally unknowable, realm that affects their lives in ways that are essentially unpredictable. So, for instance, they will believe they can petition some supernatural entity in that supernatural place, and obtain benefits that would contradict the facts of reality. This is why someone would believe that prayer can causelessly heal an illness, or that evil spirits can harm them.

Superstitious people will believe that others have special access to a supernatural realm, and can use that access to cause them harm or good. They will tend to believe in things like witches and the “evil eye”. Belief in the “evil eye” is 29% amongst blacks and 36% within Hispanics. Only 11% of whites believe in it. (“Many Americans Mix Multiple Faiths” , https://www.pewforum.org/2009/12/09/many-americans-mix-multiple-faiths/)

Black Belief in Conspiracy Theories:

Improper methods of thinking will also tend to affect how one views success or failure in society. If a person does not see their particular set of ideas as having consequences for their lives, then when they see others who are more successful, they will not view their success as the product of better ideas. They will have a tendency to view it as some sort of “cheating” or manipulation of the system. They will see a more successful group as engaging in “theft” of what is “rightfully theirs”, often by some secret, behind-the-scenes, conspiratorial means. A penchant for what is commonly called “conspiracy theory thinking” will be the result:

“Several studies have reported a widespread belief in conspiracy theories among African Americans. Such theories have been shown to have possible deleterious effects, especially when they deal with HIV/AIDS.” ( Simmons, William & Parsons, Sharon. (2005). Beliefs in Conspiracy Theories Among African Americans: A Comparison of Elites and Masses. Social Science Quarterly. 86. 582-598. 10.1111/j.0038-4941.2005.00319.x. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4747599_Beliefs_in_Conspiracy_Theories_Among_African_Americans_A_Comparison_of_Elites_and_Masses)

A belief that white doctors are conspiring to harm blacks causes differences in the health and life-spans of whites versus blacks:

“Despite advances regarding access to care and overall treatment, medical mistrust remains an important factor regarding clinical research participation as well as prevention/treatment-seeking behaviors among African American women.” ( Medical Mistrust, HIV-Related Conspiracy Beliefs, and The Need for Cognitive Closure among Urban-Residing African American for Cognitive Closure among Urban-Residing African American Women: An Exploratory Study Women: An Exploratory Study , Jennifer Rae Myers PhD , Howard University, Kelsey Ball PhD , Howard University , Sharlene L. Jeffers MA , Howard University; Journal of Health Disparities Research and Practice, Valume 11, Issue 4, Article 8, https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1832&context=jhdrp )

Some will point to incidents like the Tuskegee Syphilis Study as an explanation for black mistrust of medicine. Using this one incident as the basis for throwing out all of medical science would represent an error in logic. It is the fallacy of hasty generalization. ( https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/general_writing/academic_writing/logic_in_argumentative_writing/fallacies.html ) If black people are not seeking the assistance of doctors because of this belief, then it is another cultural failing. They need to understand that the bad actions of some doctors, especially when they are government bureaucrats,  cannot be generalized to all of medical science. This hasty generalization is another example of how black methods of thinking need to be improved.

Furthermore, even if there had been dozens of such past incidents like the Tuskegee Syphilis Study, of particular doctors violating their Hippocratic oaths to perform unethical experiments on black people, this would not justify medical mistrust. Medical science, as such, does not discriminate against black people. It is a recognition of the laws of nature, applied to human health and well-being. There is nothing fundamental to medical science as such that makes it “anti-black” or “pro-white”, anymore than the laws of physics, mathematics, or biology favor a particular group of people. All such incidents indicate is a need for better laws when it comes to issues like consent to medical experimentation, and, more fundamentally, for the government to get out of science, and leave it to the private sector.

If black people believe a past incident like Tuskegee is reason not to seek medical treatment, then they are mistaken, and need to be convinced to abandon this bad cultural trait.

Black Parenting Differences:

In the realm of parenting, there are differences between American blacks and whites that also tend to result in bad outcomes for black children. Black parents are more likely to use corporal punishment on their children. 59% of blacks spank 0-9 year olds, versus 46% of whites. (“Corporal Punishment: Current Rates from a National Survey”, David Finkelhor, Heather Turner, Brittany Kaye Wormuth, Jennifer Vanderminden, Sherry Hamby,  Journal of Child and Family Studies,  https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-019-01426-4 http://www.unh.edu/ccrc/pdf/CV358%20-%20Published%202019.pdf)

Corporal punishment is generally believed to be associated with psychological and developmental problems in children. (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/17874924/ )

What Is “To Blame” for The State of Black Culture? (It Doesn’t Change What Needs to Occur)

These three instances of cultural differences between blacks and whites leading to negative outcomes for blacks are just a small sampling. They indicate fundamental differences in methods of thinking between blacks and whites, and help to explain why American blacks are behind whites in terms of wealth and well-being. They point to areas of black culture that need to be changed or modified, if blacks are to have any chance of achieving the success of the average white American.

Leftists will tend to say white Americans are at fault for the cultural state of black Americans. They will cite slavery and “Jim Crow” laws. I disagree, but this debate is irrelevant to this discussion. The point is, regardless of who, or what, is to “blame”, black culture is inferior, and needs to be changed. A debate about why black Americans tend to be more superstitious, and to believe in conspiracy theories, is more about the causation and origin of these ideas. The left tends to say that these beliefs originate in the plantation system of the antebellum South. (I think they mostly originate in the black American’s African roots.) But, that historical debate has little to do with the fact that black Americans, to a larger extent, do hold these bad patterns of thinking and beliefs, and it makes them poorer as a result. It doesn’t change the fact that many American blacks need to check their premises, and adopt better ideas for living in the here and now.

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The Ideas In The Communist Manifesto Compared And Contrasted With the Ideas of Ayn Rand

Over a hundred and fifty years later, the ideas of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels live on, like a cancer that has metastasized throughout academia and intellectual thought. As an economic system political leaders espouse, Marxism may be dead, but the “Marxist mindset” continually pops up in new forms.

The latest incarnation of Marxism appears to be in the realm of race relations. Recently, the Governor of Florida, Ron DeSantis, presented a plan to teach school children “civics”. Essentially, as a conservative, Republican governor, he wants to teach children about what made America a great country. (Unfortunately, as a political conservative, with little understanding of philosophy or history, the Governor of Florida probably doesn’t fully grasp what made America great. I’m also wary of public schools teaching ideology, even when it is pro-American. But, at least his heart is in the right place.)

In the process of explaining about his civics courses, Governor DeSantis emphasized that there would be no funding in public schools for what is commonly called “critical race theory”. De Santis described this ideology as essentially Marxist:

“‘Critical Race Theory is basically teaching people to hate our country, hate each other. It’s divisive, and it’s basically an identity politics version of Marxism. It has no place in the classroom and certainly shouldn’t be funded by taxpayers,’ said the Governor.” (https://hannity.com/media-room/desantis-critical-race-theory-is-teaching-people-to-hate-our-country-and-hate-each-other/)

There is some debate as to whether and to what extent “critical race theory” is influenced by Marxism. (I believe it is.) But, before one could make the case for the intellectual connection between “critical race theory” and Marxism, one must first understand what Karl Marx said. That is the aim of this essay.

Here, I will be comparing and contrasting the ideas of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, as expressed in “The Communist Manifesto”, with the ideas of Ayn Rand.

Marx’s Collectivist Method of Thinking In The Social Sciences

Marx, like almost every economist and social scientist before or since, starts with a collectivist vision of mankind. Individual human beings become interchangeable entities. He starts with concepts like “proletariat” and “bourgeoisie”, and never connects that to actual people, living their actual lives. Rand, by contrast starts from the perspective of the individual:

“Mankind is not an entity, not an organism, or a coral bush. The entity involved in production and trade is man. It is with the study of man—not of the loose aggregate known as a “community”—that any science of the humanities has to begin . . . .

A great deal may be learned about society by studying man; but this process cannot be reversed: nothing can be learned about man by studying society—by studying the inter-relationships of entities one has never identified or defined.” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “What is Capitalism”, Ayn Rand, http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/individualism.html )

An example of Marx’s collectivist method of thinking can be seen when he discusses the “alienation” of the “proletarian”, whatever that is, from his labor brought on by industrialization. Here, Marx conflates a skilled artisan with a “workman”:

“Owing to the extensive use of machinery, and to the division of labour, the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Mechanization allows a low-intelligence person to do what would have required a skilled workman before, while the higher-intelligence skilled workman can focus on the design of the technologies and machines. Both parties benefit from this.

This always occurs with technology. The high intelligence and high ambition people develop ways for the lower intelligence and lower ambition people to do part of the work. Think of the difference between a command line operating system and a graphical user interface in a computer. Lower intelligence people, with less inclination to learn DOS or UNIX, can now use a Microsoft Windows machine. I think this example of Windows replacing DOS is an example of what Economists call “comparative advantage”. (https://www.econlib.org/library/Topics/Details/comparativeadvantage.html)

Imagine an Engineer and a high school dropout. There are two jobs that need to be done. The first job is the design of new computers. The second job is issuing commands to a computer to print out letters in an office, for the manager. Only the Engineer can do both of these things because the computer is quite complex, and it has no graphical user interface. It’s using some text-based operating system like DOS or UNIX. The Engineer has an absolute advantage over the high school dropout at both these jobs. In fact, the high school dropout can do neither job. Issuing commands in a text-based operating system is simply beyond his mental capability. The Engineer builds a graphical user interface for the high school dropout. Now, the dropout can issue the “print” command to the computer, by clicking on a visual icon to print out the boss’ letters. The Engineer prefers to let the dropout issue the commands to print the letter for the office boss, allowing him to focus on designing new and better computers.  By designing the graphical user interface, the Engineer has given the high school dropout a comparative advantage in printing letters for the boss as a sort of secretary or office worker.

In the Late Middle Ages, I suspect something similar happened with respect to skilled artisans. (This is more of a hypothesis on my part, that would require historical investigation to confirm.) The craftsman who made shoes, for instance, would both design them, and then also physically manufacture them. The assembly line system allows for splitting up of labor between those with high intelligence and knowledge and those with low intelligence or low knowledge.  The craftsman, who is good at coming up with designs for shoes, specializes in the design of shoes. He became what we would today call an “Engineer” -a designer of machines and products, but not the person who actually physically assembles them.  The manufacture of each shoe is broken down into simple steps that don’t require much intelligence or knowledge. (This process of designing the assembly line is usually done by another, Industrial, Engineer today. This is also an example of comparative advantage and the division of labor.) A single person need only learn how to shape a piece of rubber into the shape of a heel. Another person need only learn how to cut a piece of leather into a sole. Another person only need to learn how to make a shoelace. Etc., etc. These simple steps can be performed by people with relatively low intelligence, and/or who have little education. The Engineer created jobs for low-skilled/low-intelligence people that didn’t exist before, which allows the Engineer to focus on more creative endeavors.

Marx fails to see the phenomena of comparative advantage probably because of his collectivist mindset. He thinks of “workers” as interchangeable. To Marx, the Medieval craftsman is the same person that would then be put on an assembly line doing “mind-numbing” manual labor. In reality, that craftsman is the high-intelligence, high-knowledge person who is more likely to become the Engineer, who has created jobs for many low-intelligence and low-knowledge farm-hands or vagabonds. The Engineer has an absolute advantage over the factory worker – he could do both jobs better. Due to the principle of comparative advantage, however, which is based in the Engineer’s opportunity costs, he prefers to specialize in the design of products like shoes, while letting others physically assemble them.

I think this is what Ayn Rand meant when she spoke of the “pyramid of ability”:

“When you live in a rational society, where men are free to trade, you receive an incalculable bonus: the material value of your work is determined not only by your effort, but by the effort of the best productive minds who exist in the world around you.

When you work in a modern factory, you are paid, not only for your labor, but for all the productive genius which has made that factory possible: for the work of the industrialist who built it, for the work of the investor who saved the money to risk on the untried and the new, for the work of the engineer who designed the machines of which you are pushing the levers, for the work of the inventor who created the product which you spend your time on making, for the work of the scientist who discovered the laws that went into the making of that product, for the work of the philosopher who taught men how to think and whom you spend your time denouncing.

The machine, the frozen form of a living intelligence, is the power that expands the potential of your life by raising the productivity of your time. If you worked as a blacksmith in the mystics’ Middle Ages, the whole of your earning capacity would consist of an iron bar produced by your hands in days and days of effort. How many tons of rail do you produce per day if you work for Hank Rearden [an industrialist and inventor]? Would you dare to claim that the size of your pay check was created solely by your physical labor and that those rails were the product of your muscles? The standard of living of that blacksmith is all that your muscles are worth; the rest is a gift from Hank Rearden.” (Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged.)

In the above quoted passage from “The Communist Manifesto”, Marx wants to make it seem like the skilled workman has been “alienated” from his labor -whatever that means. But, the skilled workman of the Middle Ages is the Engineer of today. The Engineer, backed up by the intellect of scientists like Isaac Newton, who were in turn backed up by the intellect of philosophers like Aristotle, created wealth for countless starving Medieval serfs and peasants, living a precarious, near-starvation, and very unfree, existence until the Industrial Revolution. The Engineer presumably gains enormous satisfaction from the design of new products and advancing the boundaries of technology and civilization. He’s hardly “alienated” from his labor. (Whatever “alienated” means in this context.) He derives a sense of purpose and meaning from his work. The assembly line worker making shoe heels, or the office worker using Microsoft Windows, can earn sufficient wealth more quickly, thanks to new technology. This gives some of these workers time to improve their skills by going to school if they are young, intelligent, and ambitious. If an assembly line or office worker is older, and perhaps of lower intelligence, it allows him to earn his daily bread more quickly. Then, he can get home to his wife and children. He may find his meaning and purpose in life through his growing family, rather than through his job. Either way, the assembly line worker and the office worker are better able to find whatever meaning there is to be found in their individual lives, thanks to the likes of Aristotle, Newton, and Thomas Edison.

Given Marx’s Collectivist Method of Thinking About Society, He Develops Poorly-Defined Terms Like “Proletariat” and “Bourgeois”

The Communist Manifesto is based in the assumption of a “class struggle”:

“The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.

Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master(3) and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Marx says that “in a word” society that has existed until now has always been one of “class struggles” between “oppressor” and “oppressed”.

Marx and Engels speak of “oppressor and oppressed”, which forms the basis of the “class struggle”, which in turn is the history of all “hitherto existing society”, but what does it mean, “to oppress”?

Ayn Rand doesn’t speak of “oppression”, per se, but of concepts of “justice” and “individual rights”. For Rand, rights are violated by means of the initiation of physical force:

“Man’s rights can be violated only by the use of physical force. It is only by means of physical force that one man can deprive another of his life, or enslave him, or rob him, or prevent him from pursuing his own goals, or compel him to act against his own rational judgment.” (The Virtue of Selfishness, “The Nature of Government”, Ayn Rand.)

“Oppression” implies the use of physical force in an unjust manner, or at least action in an unjust manner. What is Marx/Engels’ theory of justice? What does the term “justice” mean to them?  As will be discussed later, the logical implication of Marxism is that “justice” is nothing but a “tool” of the ruling class, and has no objective connection to the facts of reality or man’s life. The concept of “objectivity”, of true and false, would be considered a “bourgeoisie prejudice” by anyone following Marx and Engels’ ideas to their logical conclusion.

The Communist Manifesto assumes an inherent and inevitable conflict between different groups of people. Class relations are always class conflict. Force is the only means of conflict resolution. One side or the other will be destroyed:

“…the collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of collisions between two classes.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“Here and there, the contest breaks out into riots.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“…every class struggle is a political struggle.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.”  (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Rand, by contrast, says that there are no conflicts of interest amongst rational men, in the ordinary course of life. (Possibly leaving aside “lifeboat emergencies”):

“The Objectivist ethics holds that human good does not require human sacrifices and cannot be achieved by the sacrifice of anyone to anyone. It holds that the rational interests of men do not clash—that there is no conflict of interests among men who do not desire the unearned, who do not make sacrifices nor accept them, who deal with one another as traders, giving value for value.” (The Virtue of Selfishness, “The Objectivist Ethics”, Ayn Rand)

Instead of poorly defined terms like “proletariat” and “bourgeoisie”, Rand describes the “producer” and the “looter” as two groups of people fundamentally at odds:

“With very rare and brief exceptions, pre-capitalist societies had no place for the creative power of man’s mind, neither in the creation of ideas nor in the creation of wealth. Reason and its practical expression -free trade- were forbidden as a sin and a crime, or were tolerated, usually as ignoble activities, under the control of authorities who could revoke the tolerance at whim. Such societies were ruled by faith and its practical expression: force. There were no makers of knowledge and no makers of wealth; there were only witch doctors and tribal chiefs. These two figures dominate every anti-rational period of history, whether one calls them tribal chief and witch doctor -or absolute monarch and religious leader…” (For The New Intellectual, Ayn Rand.)

“You stand in the midst of the greatest achievement of the greatest productive civilization [The United States of America] and you wonder why it’s crumbling around you, while you’re damning its life-blood -money….Throughout men’s history, money was always seized by looters of one brand or another, whose names changed, but whose method remained the same: to seize wealth by force and to keep the producers bound, demeaned, defamed, deprived of honor. That phrase about the evil of money, which you mouth with such righteous recklessness, comes from a time when wealth was produced by the labor of slaves -slaves who repeated the motions once discovered by somebody’s mind and left unimproved for centuries. So long as production was ruled by force, and wealth was obtained by conquest, there was little to conquer. Yet through all the centuries of stagnation and starvation, men exalted the looters, as aristocrats of the sword, as aristocrats of birth, as aristocrats of the bureau, and despised the producers, as slaves, as traders, as shopkeepers -as industrialists.” (Atlas Shrugged, Ayn Rand)

Marx failed to distinguish between those who achieve wealth through production, and those who seize it by means of the initiation of physical force. To him, the Medieval nobility that held people in virtual slavery as serfs, and by force of arms, was no different from the voluntary relationship between the owner of a factory and one of his employees. But, one uses whips and weapons, while the other uses dollars and persuasion.

Marx on the Origin of the “Bourgeoise” and “Proletariat”

Although it is not a well-defined term, Marx describes the “bourgeoise” as having started out as medieval serfs, who formed independent towns in the European Middle Ages, then eventually displaced the Nobility and Monarchy altogether, to form the “modern state”:

“From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed. “(Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the feudal nobility…or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility…in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

This is a fairly accurate description of how medieval towns formed. Historians have described the rise of the “burgers” and the “bourgeois”, who were often escaped serfs that had run away from the manor they were legally tied to:

“The term bourgeois originated in medieval France, where it denoted an inhabitant of a walled town.” ( https://www.britannica.com/topic/bourgeoisie )

These towns did form the social and economic basis on which Europe moved from its medieval social and economic organization to modern society:

“While the manor remained the principal unit of European society until the eighteenth century, the seeds of ‘modern’ civilization were being nourished as early as the eleventh. With the reopening of trade routes and the appearance of new marketing centers came the emergence of the towns that were destined to convert Europe from a rural to an urban society. The lords and peasants who remained on the manorial estates played a negligible role in the growth of these towns. An expanded cast of characters gradually appeared there, consisting of merchants, entrpeneurs, bankers, lawyers, artisans, and unskilled laborers. In the thirteenth century these groups made up but a fraction of Europe’s population (less than 10 percent), but their numbers were destined to grow until, by the twentieth century, they would be a majority….

…The mideval towns were essentially trading posts where local produce could be sold and foreign merchandise purchased…

The new towns presented an avenue of escape to men and women who were seeking release from the drudgery and routine of the manorial village. This was especially true for serfs who longed to cast off their inferior status. They could, if they grew desparate enough, run away from the manor and lose themselves in a distant town. According to custom of the period, they were legally free if the lord failed to recapture them within a ‘year and a day.’ (Later in the Middle Ages serfs could gain their freedom by making a cash payment to their lord.)” (A Brief History of Western Man, 3d Ed., Chapter 5, The Creation of Europe: Political and Social Foundations, by Thomas H. Greer)

Marx/Engels show ambivalence on whether the bourgeoise destruction of the old medieval order was a positive change. In fact, they seem to regard many aspects of pre-modern times as superior to the present, capitalist order:

“The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. … It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom – Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation….

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation….

The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal display of vigour in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto; emphasis added.)

These above passages seem strange in light of Marx/Engels’ belief that all of history is the history of oppressor and oppressed. It also seems odd because of their belief that the bourgeoisie had their origins in runaway serfs who went to the towns and formed armed associations for mutual protection.

Marx/Engels, at least implicitly, seem to prefer the social organization of the Middle Ages to social relations existing since the Industrial Revolution and Capitalism.

Other Randian intellectuals have noted that socialists are often “closet medievalists”. While he was still associated with Ayn Rand’s philosophy, Nathaniel Brandon made this observation about psychologist Erich Fromm:

Scratch a collectivist and you will usually find a medievalist. Fromm is not an exception. Like so many socialists, he is a glamorizer of the Middle Ages. He [Erich Fromm] perfunctorily acknowledges the faults of that historical period—but in contrasting it with the capitalism that succeeded it, he is enchanted by what he regards as its virtues….

… It is not uncommon to encounter this sort of perspective on the Middle Ages, among writers on alienation…. The complete lack of control over any aspect of one’s existence, the ruthless suppression of intellectual freedom, the paralyzing restrictions on any form of individual initiative and independence—these are cardinal characteristics of the Middle Ages…. all of this is swept aside, so entranced is Fromm by the vision of a world in which men did not have to invent and compete, they had only to submit and obey.” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “Alienation”, Nathaniel Brandon, emphasis added.)

Additionally, Marx/Engels certainly prefer the tribal pre-historical past of mankind, which they regard as a sort of “lost golden age” of communism. The Communist Manifesto hints at a distant past in which there was no class struggle:

“That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, the social organisation existing previous to recorded history, all but unknown. Since then, August von Haxthausen (1792–1866) discovered common ownership of land in Russia, Georg Ludwig von Maurer proved it to be the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history, and, by and by, village communities were found to be, or to have been, the primitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland. The inner organisation of this primitive communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, by Lewis Henry Morgan’s (1818–1861) crowning discovery of the true nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With the dissolution of the primeval communities, society begins to be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I have attempted to retrace this dissolution in The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, second edition, Stuttgart, 1886. [Engels, 1888 English Edition and 1890 German Edition (with the last sentence omitted)] “ (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“The “Manifesto” being our joint production, I consider myself bound to state that the fundamental proposition which forms its nucleus, belongs to Marx. That proposition is: that in every historical epoch, the prevailing mode of economic production and exchange, and the social organization necessarily following from it, form the basis upon which is built up, and from which alone can be explained, the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently the whole history of mankind (since the dissolution of primitive tribal society, holding land in common ownership) has been a history of class struggles, contests between exploiting and exploited, ruling and oppressed classes” (Engles, Preface to Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

This is significant today, given the “multicultural” turn of modern leftism, in which primitive, “indigenous societies”, are viewed as “pure” and “good” while Modern, Western Civilization is viewed as always bad. There is textual support in The Communist Manifesto for this viewpoint held by the modern left.

Rand agrees that primitive tribes were fundamentally collectivist in organization. Unlike Marx and Engels, she recognizes that the modern move away from primitive tribes promotes and enhances the life of any person who wants to flourish. The “morality of altruism”, for Rand, is a “tribal phenomenon”:

“It is obvious why the morality of altruism is a tribal phenomenon. Prehistorical men were physically unable to survive without clinging to a tribe for leadership and protection against other tribes. The cause of altruism’s perpetuation into civilized eras is not physical, but psycho-epistemological: the men of self-arrested, perceptual mentality are unable to survive without tribal leadership and “protection” against reality. The doctrine of self-sacrifice does not offend them: they have no sense of self or of personal value—they do not know what it is that they are asked to sacrifice—they have no firsthand inkling of such things as intellectual integrity, love of truth, personally chosen values, or a passionate dedication to an idea.” (Philosophy: Who Needs It, “Selfishness Without A Self”, Ayn Rand.)

The Communist Manifesto seems to say the “proletariat” was inadvertently created by the “bourgeoisie”:

“But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons – the modern working class – the proletarians. “ (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

What is this “proletariat”?

“In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed – a class of labourers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labour increases capital. These labourers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market. “ (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

As already discussed, Marx’s description of those who own no property and live solely by being paid a wage is simply not an accurate description of reality under capitalism. Marx and Engels apparently had no concept of the economic concept of comparative advantage. They also had not even the slightest inkling of the “pyramid of ability” Ayn Rand has described. Capitalism and technological progress often create new jobs for people who have low skills or low intelligence. The example of the movement from text-based operating systems to graphical user interfaces, already discussed, is an example of this. Software engineers and entrepreneurs have made it possible for people with minimal computer skills to operate a computer by clicking on a series of “icons” on a computer screen. (Which was another invention -at one time all input and output on a computer was nothing but punched cards, requiring highly specialized knowledge and great intelligence to understand.) Every person working for wages in an office today has capitalism, and the technological inventiveness it unlocks, to thank for their increased productivity, which makes their higher standard of living possible:

“In proportion to the mental energy he spent, the man who creates a new invention receives but a small percentage of his value in terms of material payment, no matter what fortune he makes, no matter what millions he earns. But the man who works as a janitor in the factory producing that invention, receives an enormous payment in proportion to the mental effort that his job requires of him. And the same is true of all men between, on all levels of ambition and ability. The man at the top of the intellectual pyramid contributes the most to all those below him, but gets nothing except his material payment, receiving no intellectual bonus from others to add to the value of his time. The man at the bottom who, left to himself, would starve in his hopeless ineptitude, contributes nothing to those above him, but receives the bonus of all of their brains. Such is the nature of the ‘competition’ between the strong and the weak of the intellect. Such is the pattern of ‘exploitation’ for which you have damned the strong.” (Ayn Rand, Atlas Shrugged.)

Marxist Determinism

Marx views the proletariat as the “exploited” and the bourgeoisie as the “exploiters”. The proletarians are perpetually the victims of the bourgeoisie, with no autonomy or free will whatsoever:

“No sooner is the exploitation of the labourer by the manufacturer, so far, at an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker, etc.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Note how Marx regards the proletarians as somehow lacking in agency. They are unable to resist paying for too large of an apartment or house by the landlord, unable to resist buying things from the shopkeeper, and also unable to continually seek high-interest loans from the pawnbroker. (Where the “proletarian” gets the stuff to pawn, Marx doesn’t say. The proletarian envisioned by him is both simultaneously unable to afford anything but the basics in life, and also has items of value to take to the pawnshop. I suppose I’m just not steeped in enough “Marxist Dialectic” to see past the contradiction.)

Since “proletariat” is a poorly defined term, in modern times, any group that is less culturally advanced tends to be viewed by political leftists as “exploited” by whatever group they regard as “bourgeoisie” -which, in practice, ends up meaning the more intelligent, knowledgeable, and better cultured people.

Marx views people as primarily products of their environment. Their ideas, attitudes and beliefs are shaped by their “material circumstances”:

“Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man’s ideas, views, and conception, in one word, man’s consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in his social life?” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Is there any sense in which Ayn Rand would agree with that? Rand recognized that a dogmatic refusal to question any aspect of the established social order seems to be a feature of many people’s minds. Rand described several different types of “collectivist thinking” that were common in human society. Two of these are the “tribal mindset” and the “second-hander”:

“What are the nature and the causes of modern tribalism? Philosophically, tribalism is the product of irrationalism and collectivism. It is a logical consequence of modern philosophy. If men accept the notion that reason is not valid, what is to guide them and how are they to live?

Obviously, they will seek to join some group—any group—which claims the ability to lead them and to provide some sort of knowledge acquired by some sort of unspecified means. If men accept the notion that the individual is helpless, intellectually and morally, that he has no mind and no rights, that he is nothing, but the group is all, and his only moral significance lies in selfless service to the group—they will be pulled obediently to join a group. But which group? Well, if you believe that you have no mind and no moral value, you cannot have the confidence to make choices—so the only thing for you to do is to join an unchosen group, the group into which you were born, the group to which you were predestined to belong by the sovereign, omnipotent, omniscient power of your body chemistry.

This, of course, is racism. But if your group is small enough, it will not be called “racism”: it will be called ‘ethnicity.’” (The Voice of Reason, “Global Balkanization”, Ayn Rand; http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/tribalism.html )

“Men were taught to regard second-handers—tyrants, emperors, dictators—as exponents of egoism. By this fraud they were made to destroy the ego, themselves and others. The purpose of the fraud was to destroy the creators. Or to harness them. Which is a synonym.

From the beginning of history, the two antagonists have stood face to face: the creator and the second-hander. When the first creator invented the wheel, the first second-hander responded.

He invented altruism.

The creator—denied, opposed, persecuted, exploited—went on, moved forward and carried all humanity along on his energy. The second-hander contributed nothing to the process except the impediments. The contest has another name: the individual against the collective.” (The Fountainhead, Ayn Rand; http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/second-handers.html)

For Rand, these aren’t mindsets to be blindly accepted by those who choose to think. Such irrationality should be criticized.  Social institutions, educational institutions, laws, and ethics should be aimed at critiquing and discouraging such a passive mindset. Until the early Twentieth Century, the United States of America had a set of institutions in place to discourage tribalism:

“Tribalism had no place in the United States—until recent decades. It could not take root here, its imported seedlings were withering away and turning to slag in the melting pot whose fire was fed by two inexhaustible sources of energy: individual rights and objective law; these two were the only protection man needed.” (Philosophy: Who Needs It, “The Missing Link” Ayn Rand, http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/tribalism.html)

Furthermore, for Rand, tribalism and second-handedness are not an inevitable mindset. People become this way through their own default. They fail to think, and that is the result. The solution is to encourage thought. What system of social organization encourages thought and discourages the failure to think?

“Capitalism demands the best of every man—his rationality—and rewards him accordingly. It leaves every man free to choose the work he likes, to specialize in it, to trade his product for the products of others, and to go as far on the road of achievement as his ability and ambition will carry him. His success depends on the objective value of his work and on the rationality of those who recognize that value. When men are free to trade, with reason and reality as their only arbiter, when no man may use physical force to extort the consent of another, it is the best product and the best judgment that win in every field of human endeavor, and raise the standard of living—and of thought—ever higher for all those who take part in mankind’s productive activity.” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “What is Capitalism”, Ayn Rand, http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/capitalism.html )

The Communist Manifesto on Women

In a departure from the more modern, “feminist”, interpretation of Marxism, The Communist Manifesto regards the damage to the family as another harm caused by the “bourgeoisie”. Specifically, Marx and Engels say capitalism has made women too independent:

“Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. …The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labour, in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is the labour of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of labour, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

For Marx, the Industrial Revolution has made it possible for women to do the work that used to be done by men, and that is a bad thing. Jobs that would have required great physical strength are replaced by machines, which can be operated by comparatively physically weaker women. Even poor women no longer need be dependent on men for their subsistence.

Further, in a knowledge-based, intelligence-based, industrial economy, intelligence becomes more important than physical strength, allowing for women to rise in the business world, if they so choose. Ayn Rand recognized this fact, which is why she created the character of Dagny Taggart in Atlas Shrugged: A female businesswoman and engineer. Rand agrees with Marx that capitalism and the Industrial Revolution gave women greater independence. As one writer in a collection of essays approved by Rand noted:

“The factories were held responsible, by such critics, for every social problem of that age, including promiscuity, infidelity, and prostitution. Implicit in the condemnation of women working in the factories was the notion that a woman’s place is in the home and that her only proper role is to keep house for her husband and to rear his children….

The factories were blamed simultaneously for removing girls from the watchful restraints of their parents and for encouraging early marriages; and later, for fostering maternal negligence and incompetent housekeeping, as well as for encouraging lack of female subordination and the desire for luxuries….” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “The Effects of the Industrial Revolution on Women and Children”, Robert Hessen.)

In reality, the factory system provided women with a means of survival and independence unavailable to them before the advent of the Industrial Revolution:

“What the factory system offered these women was—not misery and degradation—but a means of survival, of economic independence, of rising above the barest subsistence….

…women increasingly preferred work in the factories to any other alternatives open to them, such as domestic service, or back-breaking work in agricultural gangs, or working as haulers and pullers in the mines; moreover, if a woman could support herself, she was not driven into early marriage.” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “The Effects of the Industrial Revolution on Women and Children”, Robert Hessen.)

Capitalism has done more to liberate women than all the political agitation of feminists, to Marx and Engels’ consternation.

The Communist Manifesto on Property

Marx says that the abolition of property is not a “distinctive feature of communism”:

“The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a distinctive feature of communism.

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions.

The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favour of bourgeois property.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Instead, Communism aims at the abolition of only “bourgeoisie property”:

“The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of producing and appropriating products, that is based on class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few.“ (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Marx says he does not mean he advocates the abolition of the property acquired by “the fruit of one’s labor”:

“We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man’s own labour, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom, activity and independence.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

But, Marx says, such private property is no longer a feature of the system of “bourgeoisie property”:

“Hard won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the property of petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Marx says that modern “wage labor” does not create private property for the laborer:

“But does wage-labour create any property for the labourer? Not a bit. It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage-labour, and which cannot increase except upon condition of begetting a new supply of wage-labour for fresh exploitation. Property, in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital and wage labour.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“Capital”, by which Marx seems to mean “property” as that term is understood in modern times, is collectively produced by proletarians, and is a tool of exploitation by the capitalist:

“To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion.

Capital is therefore not only personal; it is a social power. “ (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

So, for Marx, the “liberation” of “capital” by the proletarians is not theft, it is merely an elimination of its “class character”:

“When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby transformed into social property. It is only the social character of the property that is changed. It loses its class character.“ (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

As has already been discussed, Rand would simply have a fundamental disagreement with Marx about (a) studying groups of people and social systems without understanding the fundamental nature of man; (b) the grouping together in Marx’s mind of all people into either “proletarians” or “bourgeoisie”, without recognizing the individual nature of human beings; and (c) the assumption that technology, created by the more knowledgeable and intelligent people, is somehow “exploiting” the less knowledgeable and intelligent. Instead, Rand, in accordance with the “Pyramid of Ability” principle, would say that the more able make life better for the less able -although Rand would also adamantly say this is not, and should not be, the life’s goal of property owners:

“The Objectivist ethics proudly advocates and upholds rational selfishness—which means: the values required for man’s survival qua man…” (The Virtue of Selfishness, “The Objectivist Ethics”, Ayn Rand; http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/selfishness.html)

For Marx, property rights are a form of “exploitation”. For Rand, property rights are moral principles defining and sanctioning an individual’s freedom of action to live his life in a social environment. To create the material means of his survival and flourishing:

“Bear in mind that the right to property is a right to action, like all the others: it is not the right to an object, but to the action and the consequences of producing or earning that object. It is not a guarantee that a man will earn any property, but only a guarantee that he will own it if he earns it. It is the right to gain, to keep, to use and to dispose of material values.” (The Virtue of Selfishness, “Man’s Rights”, Ayn Rand.)

Also, for Rand, since the interests of rational men generally do not conflict in a free society, the fact that the more able are able to produce great new technologies actually benefits their intellectual inferiors, in accordance with the economic principle of “comparative advantage” and Rand’s concept of the “pyramid of ability”.

Marxist Epistemology

For Marx, at least when it comes to normative concepts like “law”, “morality” and “government”, there is no such thing as “objectivity” -of “true” and “false”.  All ideas are just a product of one’s “material conditions”:

“But don’t wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of freedom, culture, law, &c. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will whose essential character and direction are determined by the economical conditions of existence of your class.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto; emphasis added.)

Marx views the contents of the human mind, our ideas, as nothing but a sort of rationalization for advancing our class. For instance, when addressing some of the criticisms of communism, Marx notes that:

“The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical and, generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of serious examination.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Why does Marx dismiss philosophical and “ideological” criticisms of his viewpoint? Because all philosophy and ideology is nothing but rationalization for him. There is no such thing as “objectivity” for Marx and Engels:

“Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man’s ideas, views, and conception, in one word, man’s consciousness, changes with every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in his social life?” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

The predominate ideas of a society are nothing but the “ideas of the ruling class”:

“What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

Education of children is premised on the idea that some ideas are true, while others are false. It is also based in the belief that some concepts will help you to live your life better. You learn how to read because literacy is better than being illiterate. It allows for greater communication and easier learning. You learn arithmetic to keep a budget of your spending, and to determine quantities more quickly than you could through simple counting. You learn calculus to be able to determine the instantaneous velocity of a rocket to put satellites into orbit for tracking the weather. Etc., etc. But for Marx, all education is nothing but a perpetuation of the system of exploitation by the “bourgeoisie”:

“And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention direct or indirect, of society, by means of schools, &c.? The Communists have not invented the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of the ruling class.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto; emphasis added.)

Normative concepts like “law” or “morality” for Marx merely reflect the “selfish interests” of some particular group. All such concepts are merely a reflection of “present modes of production”:

The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your present mode of production and form of property – historical relations that rise and disappear in the progress of production – this misconception you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto; emphasis added.)

Strangely, Marx uses the term “selfishness” here to refer to a group interest, not self-interest -the supposed group interest of the “bourgeoisie”, whatever that is.

Rand agrees with Marx that reason and the discovery of laws of nature is only necessary if one is selfish. She agrees that property rights are related to selfishness. But, for Rand, “selfishness” is actually related to a “self”, which Marx, as a collectivist, barely even recognizes:

“…the exact meaning and dictionary definition of the word “selfishness” is: concern with one’s own interests.

This concept does not include a moral evaluation; it does not tell us whether concern with one’s own interests is good or evil; nor does it tell us what constitutes man’s actual interests. It is the task of ethics to answer such questions.”  (The Virtue of Selfishness, “The Objectivist Ethics”, Ayn Rand.)

Rand, unlike Marx, regards one’s self-interest as the only reason ethics, politics, or any other normative concept is necessary. It is because one chooses to live that ethics, rights, or questions of the concept of “property” even arise:

“There is only one fundamental alternative in the universe: existence or non-existence—and it pertains to a single class of entities: to living organisms….It is only the concept of “Life” that makes the concept of “Value” possible. It is only to a living entity that things can be good or evil.” (Atlas Shrugged, Ayn Rand, emphasis added.)

Marx, like almost every philosopher before him, starts from the assumption that the only way for there to be “truly objective” concepts like “rights”, “law”, “government” or “ethics” is to somehow eliminate all self-interest from the equation. Since that is not possible without dying, Marx throws up his hands and declares the whole enterprise to find objective law and government nothing but  “….the outgrowth of the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property…”

Rand, on the other hand, recognizes that it is only because one wants to live that these concepts are necessary. Therefore, an objective definition of “rights” or “law”, to say nothing of morality, depends on man’s choice to live:

“My morality, the morality of reason, is contained in a single axiom: existence exists—and in a single choice: to live. The rest proceeds from these.” (Atlas Shrugged, Ayn Rand)

The Communist Manifesto’s Nihilistic Tendency

As discussed, Marx views all ideas as nothing but the ideas of the “ruling class”:

“What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual production changes its character in proportion as material production is changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling class. “ (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

In reality, some ideas are true and others are false. What makes an idea “true” or false”? It’s correspondence to reality. The idea that the Earth is flat is false and the idea that the Earth is round is true. Why does one accept the latter and reject the former? Because it has consequences for living. If you operated on the assumption that the Earth was flat, it would lead to a whole host of contradictions, and would put you at war with reality. Human life would be worse if people continued to insist that the Earth was flat.

People who continue to accept false ideas will be less successful at living. People who insist that vaccination is, on the whole, bad for them, will tend to be killed by that idea. People who regard vaccination as generally a good will tend to live longer and better lives.

Taken to its logical extreme, a Marxist analysis of vaccination will call it nothing but a “bourgeoisie prejudice” and claim that the reason the vaccinated live longer and better lives than the unvaccinated is due to “exploitation” of the later by the former.

Furthermore, taken to its logical extreme, a Marxist analysis of vaccination would say that precisely because people who are vaccinated are living longer is proof that they are exploiters, and that they must be “swept aside”. The desire to live as the basis for objectivity is regarded as a distorting agent by Marxists. Those implementing Marxist political theory will then hold a simmering grudge against the successful and the able. The able tend to be the people who want to live, and therefore conform the contents of their minds to reality in order to achieve that objective. Marxist resentment will focus on the most rational and most successful people. It focuses it’s hatred on us, the living. The Marxist mindset is a psychology of nihilism -of hatred of the good.

This is why Marxism tends to devolve into full-throttle mass-murder and destruction of the able wherever it is implemented. (For instance, Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge murdered anyone who spoke a foreign language or wore glasses because they were viewed as intellectuals -as people who used ideas to improve their lives.  https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-pacific-10684399)

Marx said:

“The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional property relations; no wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

“The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.” (Communist Manifesto; https://oll.libertyfund.org/page/marx-manifesto)

In practice, this has meant the Killing Fields of Cambodia, the Cultural Revolution of China, and the Gulags of Stalinist Russia. The blood of the people murdered under those regimes is on the intellectual hands of Marx and Engels.

The Ideas of William James Compared and Contrasted With Those of Ayn Rand

William James’ attempt to defend religious faith leads him to several conclusions regarding morality and reason that are contrary to Ayn Rand’s life-centered view of morality. This, in turn, causes James to attempt to confine the methods of observation and logic to science, while saying it is inapplicable in the realm of morality. James makes this distinction between science and morality by saying both are ultimately expressions of nothing but “will”. James’ view has consequences in the areas of human social relations and politics.

This paper will compare and contrast Rand’s philosophy with that of James by looking at some of his essays from his book, The Will to Believe And Other Essays in Popular Philosophy, Copyright 1896) (https://www.gutenberg.org/files/26659/26659-h/26659-h.htm.)

For Starters: William James Wants to Defend Religion

I was surprised when I discovered that much of William James’ work seemed aimed at defending religious belief. In the preface to his book, James says:

“The first four essays are largely concerned with defending the legitimacy of religious faith.” (Preface)

“…academic audiences, fed already on science, have a very different need. Paralysis of their native capacity for faith and timorous abulia in the religious field are their special forms of mental weakness, brought about by the notion, carefully instilled, that there is something called scientific evidence by waiting upon which they shall escape all danger of shipwreck in regard to truth. But there is really no scientific or other method by which men can steer safely between the opposite dangers of believing too little or of believing too much.” (Preface, emphasis added.)

“I do not think that any one can accuse me of preaching reckless faith. I have preached the right of the individual to indulge his personal faith at his personal risk. I have discussed the kinds of risk; I have contended that none of us escape all of them; and I have only pleaded that it is better to face them open-eyed than to act as if we did not know them to be there.” (Preface)

How Does William James Go About Defending Religion?
James’ defense of religious belief rests in his premise that certain things we hold to be true are based in our “passional and volitional nature”:

“The next matter to consider is the actual psychology of human opinion. When we look at certain facts, it seems as if our passional and volitional nature lay at the root of all our convictions. When we look at others, it seems as if they could do nothing when the intellect had once said its say. Let us take the latter facts up first.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James)

In other words, there are certain things, according to James, that we want to be true, and there is no further basis for the belief than that. The desire to be scientific is just a manifestation of an “inner need”:

“Hardly a law has been established in science, hardly a fact ascertained, which was not first sought after, often with sweat and blood, to gratify an inner need.” (IS LIFE WORTH LIVING?, William James, emphasis added.)

He makes no distinction between the “inner need” that some feel to be scientific, and the “inner need” that others feel to be religious. Both such “inner needs” cannot be analyzed any further:

Whence such needs come from we do not know; we find them in us, and biological psychology so far only classes them with Darwin’s ‘accidental variations.’ But the inner need of believing that this world of nature is a sign of something more spiritual and eternal than itself is just as strong and authoritative in those who feel it, as the inner need of uniform laws of causation ever can be in a professionally scientific head. The toil of many generations has proved the latter need prophetic. Why may not the former one be prophetic, too?” (IS LIFE WORTH LIVING?, William James, emphasis added.)

The fact that science is based on observed facts, and religion is not, doesn’t matter to James. What matters is the satisfaction of these ineffable “inner needs”:

And if needs of ours outrun the visible universe, why may not that be a sign that an invisible universe is there? What, in short, has authority to debar us from trusting our religious demands?” (IS LIFE WORTH LIVING?, William James, emphasis added.)

The desire to be scientific is no better or worse than the desire to believe on the basis of faith:

“Science as such assuredly has no authority, for she can only say what is, not what is not; and the agnostic ‘thou shalt not believe without coercive sensible evidence’ is simply an expression (free to any one to make) of private personal appetite for evidence of a certain peculiar kind.” (IS LIFE WORTH LIVING?, William James, emphasis added.)

What James Calls “Matters of Fact”
Does William James want to throw out all facts and science? No. He just wants to “carve out” a subset of ideas that will be immune from facts and science. To accomplish this, he starts by agreeing that there are certain “matters of fact” that no one can deny, no matter how much they want them to be otherwise:

“Does it not seem preposterous on the very face of it to talk of our opinions being modifiable at will? Can our will either help or hinder our intellect in its perceptions of truth? Can we, by just willing it, believe that Abraham Lincoln’s existence is a myth, {5} and that the portraits of him in McClure’s Magazine are all of some one else? Can we, by any effort of our will, or by any strength of wish that it were true, believe ourselves well and about when we are roaring with rheumatism in bed, or feel certain that the sum of the two one-dollar bills in our pocket must be a hundred dollars? We can say any of these things, but we are absolutely impotent to believe them; and of just such things is the whole fabric of the truths that we do believe in made up,—matters of fact, immediate or remote, as Hume said, and relations between ideas, which are either there or not there for us if we see them so, and which if not there cannot be put there by any action of our own.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

To James, Knowledge is Conditioned By Our Acceptance Of What Others Tell Us, So It is Not Solely Based in Logic or Even Experience -Knowledge Contains An Element of “Will” or “Simple Wishing”
There are, for James, other areas of human belief where our knowledge is conditioned by an “act of will”, and not by mere observation of facts and the application of logic. James calls this “simple wishing”:

Free-will and simple wishing do seem, in the matter of our credences, to be only fifth wheels to the coach. Yet if any one should thereupon assume that intellectual insight is what remains after wish and will and sentimental preference have taken wing, or that pure reason is what then settles our opinions, he would fly quite as directly in the teeth of the facts.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

For James, the method of logic, and the scientific method seem to be things that are just “socially accepted”, and have no further justification:

Our faith is faith in some one else’s faith, and in the greatest matters this is most the case. Our belief in truth itself, for instance, that there is a truth, and that our minds and it are made for each other,—what is it but a passionate affirmation of desire, in which our social system backs us up? We want to have a truth; we want to believe that our experiments and studies and discussions must put us in a continually better and better position towards it; and on this line we agree to fight out our thinking lives. But if a pyrrhonistic sceptic asks us how we know all this, can our logic find a reply? No! certainly it cannot. It is just one volition against another,—we willing to go in for life upon a trust or assumption which he, for his part, does not care to make.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

James concludes that our “non-intellectual nature” influences our convictions. We have “passional tendencies and volitions” which are unavoidable in coming to conclusions:

Evidently, then, our non-intellectual nature does influence our convictions. There are passional tendencies and volitions which run before and others which come after belief, and it is only the latter that are too late for the fair; and they are not too late when the previous passional work has been already in their own direction.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

In a certain context, I think this is true. Many of our needs as living organisms come from the time we are born, and can be said, in that sense, to be “pre-conceptual”. A young child starts out as a perceptual being, similar to an animal, that learns to use his mind to promote his life. You could call that “our non-intellectual nature”, but, William James isn’t talking about this. In the previous quote, he is talking about our convictions based in the authority of what others have told us.

In reality, we don’t look for food because our parents told us to. We look for food because even the most simple-minded person, with a functioning brain, recognizes it is necessary -if one desires to live. (Although that desire may be implicit rather than explicit.) Feeling that you are hungry, “simply wishing” to satiate it, and using your reason to satisfy that “simple wish” by hunting for food, or growing food, by following observed cause and effect relationships, is one thing. It is not the same as having a “simple wish” that what your elders tell you, or your preacher tells you, is right without your own investigation of the facts. The feeling of hunger is based in observed facts regarding your body’s need for food. The feeling of the existence of an afterlife is not based on any such observed facts.

Of course, I think James will say that the desire to operate in accordance with observed facts is, itself, nothing but a “feeling” with no basis in anything observed. But, if I “simply wish” to live, then adopting the method of observation of facts and the use of logic is necessary. All reason is based in the “simple wish” to live. Reason isn’t necessary for those who do not desire to live, according to Ayn Rand. But, if you “simply wish” to live, then you must reject ideas that would be contrary to that “simple wish” because reality is what it is, and your body is what it is.

To Ayn Rand, anything in the bible that runs contrary to the dictates of reality must be discarded, if you want to live. The idea of god must be held as an arbitrary assertion, without basis in observed facts, and discarded -if you want to live.

Rand’s atheism is based in the “simple wish” -by which I mean, a realistically obtainable desire- to live, combined with the observation that existence exists.

James Starts With the Cartesian “Prior-Certainty of Consciousness”
For James, on the other hand, there is no acknowledgement that existence exists. He starts from what Rand calls “the prior certainty of consciousness”:

There is but one indefectibly certain truth, and that is the truth that pyrrhonistic scepticism itself leaves standing,—the truth that the present phenomenon of consciousness exists.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

There is no objectivity because he will not acknowledge “the primacy of existence”:

“No concrete test of what is really true has ever been agreed upon. Some make the criterion external to the moment of perception, putting it either in revelation, the consensus gentium, the instincts of the heart, or the systematized experience of the race.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

Rand starts from the standpoint of looking outward, and then recognizing that consciousness is that which perceives reality:

“The primacy of existence (of reality) is the axiom that existence exists, i.e., that the universe exists independent of consciousness (of any consciousness), that things are what they are, that they possess a specific nature, an identity. The epistemological corollary is the axiom that consciousness is the faculty of perceiving that which exists—and that man gains knowledge of reality by looking outward. The rejection of these axioms represents a reversal: the primacy of consciousness—the notion that the universe has no independent existence, that it is the product of a consciousness (either human or divine or both). The epistemological corollary is the notion that man gains knowledge of reality by looking inward (either at his own consciousness or at the revelations it receives from another, superior consciousness).” (Ayn Rand, Philosophy: Who Needs It, “The Metaphysical Versus The Man-Made”)

Now it is apparent why William James regards the “need” to be scientific and the “need” to be religious as two unanalyzable facts. All that is truly real for him is consciousness. Our senses cannot be trusted, and therefore we cannot be certain there is any reality. There can be no observation of facts that, combined with our desire to live, make rationality and science necessary. His previously quoted discussion of science and religion as serving “inner needs” now makes perfect sense, given William James’ philosophic starting points:

Whence such needs come from we do not know; we find them in us, and biological psychology so far only classes them with Darwin’s ‘accidental variations.’ But the inner need of believing that this world of nature is a sign of something more spiritual and eternal than itself is just as strong and authoritative in those who feel it, as the inner need of uniform laws of causation ever can be in a professionally scientific head. The toil of many generations has proved the latter need prophetic. Why may not the former one be prophetic, too? And if needs of ours outrun the visible universe, why may not that be a sign that an invisible universe is there? What, in short, has authority to debar us from trusting our religious demands? Science as such assuredly has no authority, for she can only say what is, not what is not; and the agnostic ‘thou shalt not believe without coercive sensible evidence’ is simply an expression (free to any one to make) of private personal appetite for evidence of a certain peculiar kind.” (IS LIFE WORTH LIVING?, William James, emphasis added.)

William James Thinks “Belief In Something”, Even If Wrong, Is Better Than, What He Views, As “Constant Uncertainty”
James believes that “belief in something” is better than the “constant uncertainty” that he thinks philosophy, and a reality-oriented approach leads to:

“Believe truth! Shun error!—these, we see, are two materially different laws; and by choosing between them we may end by coloring differently our whole intellectual life.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

“We may regard the chase for truth as paramount, and the avoidance of error as secondary; or we may, on the other hand, treat the avoidance of error as more imperative, and let truth take its chance. Clifford, in the instructive passage which I have quoted, exhorts us to the latter course. Believe nothing, he tells us, keep your mind in suspense forever, rather than by closing it on insufficient evidence incur the awful risk of believing lies.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

If you still doubt him, James reminds you that our desire for truth over error is nothing but an “expression of passional life”, so it is no better or worse than the “passion” of those who choose to believe the bible, despite evidence to the contrary:

“I myself find it impossible to go with Clifford. We must remember that these feelings of our duty about either truth or error are in any case only expressions of our passional life. Biologically considered, our minds are as ready to grind out falsehood as veracity…” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

The above quote draws out a sharp distinction between Ayn Rand and William James. He sees no connection between truth and the choice to live. (Which, for Rand, is a choice, not a commandment.) He views the search for truth, and the avoiding of error as a “duty”, which is an expression of “our passional life”.

Rand, on the other hand, says that if you want to live, then you must recognize that reality is what it is, and operate in accordance with immutable cause and effect. Only the “man-made” is “contingent” for Ayn Rand. Nature, apart from human action, is “necessary’ and “had to be”. According to Rand, you judge the man-made, and accept the “metaphysically given”. (Ayn Rand, Philosophy: Who Needs It, “The Metaphysical Versus The Man-Made”)

Placed in a certain context of knowledge, I think Rand would believe it is true that reason does depend on our “passional life”, if by that expression, one means the desire to live. It’s only the choice to live that makes observing the facts, and drawing inferences and conclusions from them, necessary. William James doesn’t mean that, however.

When James speaks of our “passional life”, he means things we want to believe because they satisfy some emotional whim that may or may not enhance one’s life and well-being. His expressed goal is to justify belief in the supernatural. In practice, this means belief in what your mother, father, and minister told you as a child, based on nothing but their authority in your mind. Even more fundamentally, this represents a desire to continue to believe anything despite the fact that it is: (a) contrary to the facts, and (b) therefore contrary to your needs as a living being (and anti-life).

For instance, imagine you are dating an abusive romantic partner who beats you up. Your emotions tell you that you want to stay with them because of some neurotic need. (The origins of that need may depend on the particular individual, and are for mental health professionals to determine.) For James, this desire, or “expression of our passional life”, is no different than the desire to live, and the consequent need to observe facts and act according to them.
Another example: You have an extreme “passion” for doing heroin. (Once again, the origins of that desire may vary between people, and are for a medical professional/scientist to diagnose.) Your feelings tell you that you need to shoot up. Your rational mind tells you that if you keep this up, it will adversely affect your health, and will likely cause your untimely death. To William James, the “passion” to shoot up heroin is the same as the “passion” to follow the laws of logic or mathematics. This is because, at root, for him, reason has no connection to the “passion to live”.

In stark contrast Rand says:

“My morality, the morality of reason, is contained in a single axiom: existence exists—and in a single choice: to live. The rest proceeds from these.” (Ayn Rand, For The New Intellectual, Galt’s Speech. )

Ayn Rand’s “passion” is the desire to live, and this desire, combined with the immutable laws of nature, creates the need for a moral code based in reason.

William James’ Methodological Distinction in Natural Sciences versus In The Realm of Morality
James doesn’t want to throw science out entirely. So, he distinguishes between committing to a particular belief, versus remaining uncommitted, because you don’t have enough evidence, in different areas of life:

“Wherever the option between losing truth and gaining it is not momentous, we can throw the chance of gaining truth away, and at any rate save ourselves from any chance of believing falsehood, by not making up our minds at all till objective evidence has come.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

“In scientific questions, this is almost always the case; and even in human affairs in general, the need of acting is seldom so urgent that a false belief to act on is better than no belief at all.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

I think he is saying that in the natural sciences, we can often remain uncommitted to a particular scientific theory because there is no great rush to decide. For instance, the theory of evolution has less immediate impact on our personal lives than, say, whether someone we know has committed a serious crime. Knowing that someone is a murderer, and is to be shunned, to avoid being killed oneself, is of greater immediate concern to most people than whether Darwinian evolution or Lamarckian evolution is correct.

James distinguishes many scientific issues, like the theory of evolution, from a court case:

“Law courts, indeed, have to decide on the best evidence attainable for the moment, because a judge’s duty is to make law as well as to ascertain it, and (as a learned judge once said to me) few cases are worth spending much time over: the great thing is to have them decided on any acceptable principle, and got out of the way. But in our dealings with objective nature we obviously are recorders, not makers, of the truth; and decisions for the mere sake of deciding promptly and getting on to the next business would be wholly out of place.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

I take James as meaning that sometimes, what is needed is a quick, and decisive opinion by the judge, not necessarily the “optimal” choice. A decision, one way or the other, is what is needed, rather than waiting to get more data.

As a legal professional, I’m not sure I 100% agree with his example here. In a death penalty case, a “prompt” decision is not better than the “optimal” decision of determining whether the defendant is actually guilty. The possibility of a mistake in a criminal case is unacceptable. In certain breach of contract disputes, he probably does have a better point. (And, this is why criminal cases require a higher burden of proof.) At any rate, it is true that sometimes you must make a quick decision because waiting is less optimal than either decision you could make. When an out of control truck is about to run you down on the street, you may not have time to decide whether jumping right or jumping left is better. You’ve got to jump, immediately, so less analysis goes into the decision than would be the case with more time. (The stakes are very high, but the time to decide creates a less than optimal analysis -but more optimal than waiting.)

James Probably makes the distinction between Morality (“oughts”) on the one hand, and scientific questions (“Is-statements”) on the other because of the “Is-Ought problem”:

“The question next arises: Are there not somewhere forced options in our speculative questions, and can we (as men who may be interested at least as much in positively gaining truth as in merely escaping dupery) always wait with impunity till the coercive evidence shall have arrived? It seems a priori improbable that the truth should be so nicely adjusted to our needs and powers as that.”

“Moral questions immediately present themselves as questions whose solution cannot wait for sensible proof. A moral question is a question not of what sensibly exists, but of what is good, or would be good if it did exist. Science can tell us what exists; but to compare the worths, both of what exists and of what does not exist, we must consult not science, but what Pascal calls our heart.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

For James, as for David Hume, morality, that which one “ought to do”, is not something that can be derived from observing “what sensibly exists”. Morality is based in “our heart”, by which he means some feeling other than what we can see.

I do not think that Ayn Rand’s response to this would be to say that the mere observation of facts creates any kind of “moral commandment” or “duty” to live. Observation of facts will demonstrate that life is conditional, and that it is not guaranteed to us. Observation of facts will also lead to the conclusion that certain actions must be taken to maintain one’s life. Observation will also lead you to understand that a certain methodology maximizes the probability of living. However, the choice to live, for Rand, is a choice. (A “basic” choice) :

“Life or death is man’s only fundamental alternative. To live is his basic act of choice. If he chooses to live, a rational ethics will tell him what principles of action are required to implement his choice. If he does not choose to live, nature will take its course.” (Ayn Rand, Philosophy: Who Needs It, “Causality versus Duty”)

As a teenager or young adult, possibly younger, most of us have a “background knowledge” we have gained from observation, school, and our elders. Some of it is right, and some of it is not. Also, by the time we’re in our teenage years, most of us are able to have some conception of our own lives, and to recognize that living is conditional on our actions. With this “cognitive context”, we then make that choice to live, over and over, throughout our lives. To the extent that we recognize, implicitly or explicitly, that rationality is necessary for our survival, we can then reform, and adapt some of our ideas, or flatly reject, others.

I think the difference between Rand on the one hand, and William James, and David Hume, on the other, is that Rand would say something like this:

Why do you need science at all? Why do you need to reason at all?

For Rand, it is only the “basic choice” to live, combined with the axiom “existence exists”, that demands you observe facts and make logical conclusions based on those observations. From this basis, Rand develops a morality based in the virtue of rationality, aimed at pursuing the cardinal values of Reason, Purpose, and Self-esteem. These three components constitute the essence of “man’s life” for Rand.

Rand does base morality in what “sensibly exists”, which is the nature of existence, and the choice to live. Does one have to live according to Rand? No, it is a choice. But for those who choose life, there is no other option but the virtue of rationality.

The difference between Rand and William James is that he is not recognizing why we need morality at all. He wants to find some basis for holding “traditional morality”, which, for Western Man, is some variant of the Judeo-Christian system of morality. To that end, James is willing to equate the passion of the scientific search for the truth with the “passion” to believe what your parents and ministers told you as a child. In the process, he disregards the “reason that we reason”, which is the enhancement and promotion of human life. Once the choice to live is jettisoned as conditioning our quest for knowledge, the entire endeavor of science becomes, psychologically, and existentially, pointless. Religion, or any other irrationalism, is then just as meaningful. (Or equally lacking in meaning.)

Since James rejects life as the standard of value in favor of Judeo-Christian morality, he is left with nothing but skepticism with respect to all knowledge:

“If we had an infallible intellect with its objective certitudes, we might feel ourselves disloyal to such a perfect organ of knowledge in not trusting to it exclusively, in not waiting for its releasing word. But if we are empiricists, if we believe that no bell in us tolls to let us know for certain when truth is in our grasp, then it seems a piece of idle fantasticality to preach so solemnly our duty of waiting for the bell.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

The “bell that tolls in us” when it comes to the certainty of our knowledge is the concept of man’s life:

“Man has a single basic choice: to think or not, and that is the gauge of his virtue.” (Ayn Rand, For The New Intellectual, Galt’s Speech.)

“Virtue is not an end in itself. Virtue is not its own reward or sacrificial fodder for the reward of evil. Life is the reward of virtue—and happiness is the goal and the reward of life.” (Ayn Rand, For The New Intellectual, Galt’s Speech. )

For William James, Certain Types of Facts Can Be Created By Enough People Feeling that It Is So
Social organization and the relations among men are ultimately based in a moral code. Both Rand and William James would agree on this point.

In the case of James, his moral system is ultimately based in a faith that he believes is no different than the “faith in science”:

“There are, then, cases where a fact cannot come at all unless a preliminary faith exists in its coming. And where faith in a fact can help create the fact, that would be an insane logic which should say that faith running ahead of scientific evidence is the ‘lowest kind of immorality’ into which a thinking being can fall. Yet such is the logic by which our scientific absolutists pretend to regulate our lives!” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

James’ morality is based in faith, or more specifically, the “will to believe” in faith. Therefore, all social systems are also based in “the will to believe” for him:

“A social organism of any sort whatever, large or small, is what it is because each member proceeds to his own duty with a trust that the other members will simultaneously do theirs. Wherever a desired result is achieved by the co-operation of many independent persons, its existence as a fact is a pure consequence of the precursive faith in one another of those immediately concerned. A government, an army, a commercial system, a ship, a college, an athletic team, all exist on this condition, without which not only is nothing achieved, but nothing is even attempted.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

James’ belief that social systems are based in nothing but “the will to believe” has an interesting logical consequence in practice. When a society fails, it is based in the lack of sufficient “will”. He gives the example of the robbery of a train:

“A whole train of passengers (individually brave enough) will be looted by a few highwaymen, simply because the latter can count on one another, while each passenger fears that if he makes a movement of resistance, he will be shot before any one else backs him up. If we believed that the whole car-full would rise at once with us, we should each severally rise, and train-robbing would never even be attempted.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James.)

While James leaves the realm of science to evidence and logic, the area ultimately governing human behavior, morality, is left to “will” or “passion”. For him, any social system can “work” if enough people believe it. This is because you cannot derive “ought statements” from “is statements”, an idea he got from David Hume, and, also because of what I think is an additional part, which is in bold here:

“Moral questions immediately present themselves as questions whose solution cannot wait for sensible proof. A moral question is a question not of what sensibly exists, but of what is good, or would be good if it did exist.” (THE WILL TO BELIEVE, William James, emphasis added.)

A social system is good because enough people believe it “should exist”, or because it “should work”. In other words, because enough people feel that it is so, then it is so, according to William James.

Rand denies that any social system can “work” if enough people believe it. For her, reality is what it is. Capitalism leads to prosperity and communism leads to its opposite, no matter how many people sincerely want collectivism to “work”.

Rand says that if enough people want to live, and consistently understand that choice to live, then certain social systems are better than others in achieving that goal. For Rand, individuals must be free to pursue their own rational self-interest. If they all do so, within a system of government that protects and respects rights to private property, then such a system is practical. Free market capitalism will be the social result.

Rand denies that all it takes is enough people “believing” in socialism for it to lead to prosperity. It denies the existence of the individual, whose own life is important to him, because he chooses to live. (Those who don’t choose to live need no morality, social system, or system of government.) Since there is no “social organism”, and “society” is just a number of individuals, the ultimate result of any socialist system is the war of all against all, and the destruction of the society:

“The alleged goals of socialism were: the abolition of poverty, the achievement of general prosperity, progress, peace and human brotherhood. The results have been a terrifying failure—terrifying, that is, if one’s motive is men’s welfare.
Instead of prosperity, socialism has brought economic paralysis and/or collapse to every country that tried it. The degree of socialization has been the degree of disaster. The consequences have varied accordingly.” (Ayn Rand, The Virtue of Selfishness, “The Monument Builders”.)

The ideas of William James and other late 19th-Century American Philosophers are known as “Pragmatism”. This is premised in their supposed “practicality”. But, as we have seen, James banishes science into a sort of “intellectual ghetto” by saying the “will” to pursue science is based in nothing but the same “will” to believe what the Bible says. James makes observation and scientific knowledge ultimately purposeless. In contrast, Rand, says we must practice observation and the method of logic, no matter how strongly we “want to believe” in their contraries, because it is the only way to practice the art of living.

 

Theory and Practice: Riots and Mayhem In 2020

The riots  that occurred in early June of 2020 reflect certain ideas in practice. To understand this, one must understand the role of ideas in historical events. Ultimately, the dominant ideas in a society have certain consequences. This is true even if the ideas being pushed by most intellectuals today expressly state that ideas have no correspondence to the facts, and therefore have no consequences.  In 1964, Ayn Rand gave a speech that was subsequently transcribed into an article. She addressed a common question presented to her:

Is ‘Atlas Shrugged’ a prophetic novel -or a historical one?” (Rand, Ayn, et al. Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “Is Atlas Shrugging?”, Penguin Publishing Group, 1986.)

Since her last novel’s publication in 1957, her fans would write Miss Rand letters pointing to parallels between it and current events. Bad economic ideas were leading to bad events. She explained in her Ford Hall Forum speech that Atlas Shrugged is a novel about ideas, and when those ideas are implemented, there will be certain probable results. As she put it:

Are you inclined to believe that [bad] theories of this kind will have no results in practice?” (Rand, Ayn, et al. Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “Is Atlas Shrugging?”, Penguin Publishing Group, 1986.)

Rand believed that good ideas in a social system would tend to have good results, and bad ideas would have bad results. At root, this was a reflection of her concept of “objectivity”. Rand believed that some ideas have more or less correspondence to reality than other ideas:

Objectivity is both a metaphysical and an epistemological concept. It pertains to the relationship of consciousness to existence. Metaphysically, it is the recognition of the fact that reality exists independent of any perceiver’s consciousness. Epistemologically, it is the recognition of the fact that a perceiver’s (man’s) consciousness must acquire knowledge of realty by certain means (reason) in accordance with certain rules (logic). This means that although reality is immutable and, in any given context, only one answer is true, the truth is not automatically available to a human consciousness and can only be obtained by a certain mental process which is required of every man who seeks knowledge -that there is no substitute for this process, no escape  from the responsibility for it, no shortcuts, no special revelations or privileged observers -and there can be no such thing as a final ‘authority’ in matters pertaining to human knowledge.” (Rand, Ayn, The Voice of Reason, “Who Is the Final Authority On Ethics?”; https://courses.aynrand.org/works/who-is-the-final-authority-in-ethics/)

Furthermore, Ayn Rand believed that ideas have life and death significance. Good ideas are good because they correspond to reality, and thereby allow man to discover the nature of reality, and enact the necessary principles of action and behavior that will promote his long-range survival:

Most people…think abstract thinking must be ‘impersonal’-which means that ideas must hold no personal meaning, value or importance to the thinker. This notion rests on the premise that a personal interest is an agent of distortion. But ‘personal’ does not mean ‘non-objective’; it depends on the kind of person you are. If your thinking is determined by your emotions, then you will not be able to judge anything, personally or impersonally. But if you are the kind of person who knows that reality is not your enemy, that truth and knowledge are of crucial, personal, selfish importance to you and to your own life -then the more passionately personal the thinking, the clearer and truer.” (Rand, Ayn Philosophy: Who Needs It, “Philosophical Detection”)

For Rand, historical and current events therefore tend to be a reflection of the dominant ideas held by people. A nation or culture that holds good ideas will tend to succeed and thrive, while a nation or culture with bad ideas will tend to fail. Baring natural disasters, over the long-run, historical events tend to be driven by the ideas men hold:

“…Contrary to the prevalent views of today’s alleged scholars, history is not an unintelligible chaos ruled by chance and whim—historical trends can be predicted, and changed—men are not helpless, blind, doomed creatures carried to destruction by incomprehensible forces beyond their control. There is only one power that determines the course of history, just as it determines the course of every individual life: the power of man’s rational faculty—the power of ideas. If you know a man’s convictions, you can predict his actions. If you understand the dominant philosophy of a society, you can predict its course. But convictions and philosophy are matters open to man’s choice. There is no fatalistic, predetermined historical necessity.… Since men have free will, no one can predict with certainty the outcome of an ideological conflict nor how long such a conflict will last…” (Rand, Ayn, et al. Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “Is Atlas Shrugging?”, Penguin Publishing Group, 1986, emphasis added.)

This does not mean that everyone is an originator of the ideas they hold. Most people are not. Especially as children and young adults, they tend to accept the ideas they hear from their parents, teachers, elders, and the media uncritically:

You have no choice about the necessity to integrate your observations, your experiences, your knowledge into abstract ideas, i.e., into principles. Your only choice is whether these principles are true or false, whether they represent your conscious, rational convictions—or a grab-bag of notions snatched at random, whose sources, validity, context and consequences you do not know, notions which, more often than not, you would drop like a hot potato if you knew….

Your subconscious is like a computer—more complex a computer than men can build—and its main function is the integration of your ideas. Who programs it? Your conscious mind. If you default, if you don’t reach any firm convictions, your subconscious is programmed by chance—and you deliver yourself into the power of ideas you do not know you have accepted.” (Rand, Ayn, Philosophy: Who Needs It.)

Briefly, and by way of contrast, other philosophers have interpreted history differently, and not primarily as a result of the ideas that people hold, either consciously or subconsciously. They have seen history as the unfolding of circumstances in their environment, or other factors beyond their control. For instance, Marx views your behavior as governed by your “material circumstances”, and that your ideas are mere rationalization. This reflects the “postmodern” attitude after Kant that the concept of objectivity is illusory. As a result, ideas have no correspondence to “things in themselves”. What you hold as “objective fact” is “distorted” by your consciousness:

The ‘phenomenal’ world, said [Immanuel] Kant, is not real: reality, as perceived by man’s mind, is a distortion. The distorting mechanism is man’s conceptual faculty: man’s basic concepts (such as time, space, existence) are not derived from experience or reality, but come from an automatic system of filters in his consciousness (labeled ‘categories’ and ‘forms of perception’) which impose their own design on his perception of the external world and make him incapable of perceiving it in any manner other than the one in which he does perceive it.” (Rand, Ayn, For The New Intellectual, Signet, 1963; http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/kant,_immanuel.html)

In practice, the ideas people hold become a “matter of opinion”, without any correspondence to reality under this viewpoint. But, in reality, ideas have consequences, including this one.

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What ideas have been dominant in Europe and its various “offshoot” civilizations, like the Americas and Australia? “Western civilization” is the term used to distinguish this civilization from others in both time and place. What Ideas underlie Western Civilization?

Its origins lie in Ancient Greece:

The Greeks, as the founders of Western civilization, drew freely upon the older civilizations of the Middle East. Especially through their contacts (chiefly commercial) with the Persian Empire, they absorbed much of the cultural heritage of both Mesopotamia and Egypt.”  (“A Brief History of Western Man”,  3d Ed., Greer, Thomas, 1977 Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., Chapter 2: “The Greek Beginnings of Western Civilization”, Pg. 41)

What was this Greek way? How did it differ from the oriental way? The cardinal distinction lay in the Greek view of the individual. In the ancient cultures of the Middle East, ordinary people were of small account. The ruler of Egypt, the pharaoh, owned and regulated the land and its inhabitants through divine right. Guided by priests and working through an army of agents and bureaucrats, he ordered the pattern of existence for everyone. The idea of personal liberty had little meaning to the mass of his subjects, and no one in authority regarded them as capable of governing themselves.

            The Greeks would be slaves to no person and to no state. They believed in law and in an orderly society protected by the gods, but they generally insisted on a substantial measure of freedom and political participation (for adult males)….the Hellenes believed, all free and intelligent Greeks were capable of enjoying this good life. They did not take the view, more characteristic of the Orient, that individuals must resign themselves to a fate beyond their control. In a qualified way, the Greeks were optimistic about the world and about what a man could do on his own -if he did not presume too far. During the Golden Age, at least, they showed tremendous zest for living. The struggle, the contest, the game -even when lost- seemed exciting and challenging.”  (“A Brief History of Western Man”,  3d Ed., Greer, Thomas, 1977 Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., Chapter 2: “The Greek Beginnings of Western Civilization”, Pg. 52, emphasis added.)

The Ancient Greeks developed systems and methods of thinking that resulted in modern, Western societies:

Aristotle accepted Plato’s general notion of the existence of Ideas (Forms), but he held that physical matter also is a part of reality and not to be despised. Matter, he thought, constitutes the ‘stuff’ of reality, through its shapes and purposes come from the Forms that Plato had postulated. By logical thinking, men can gain knowledge of the purposes of things and of their interrelations, knowledge that will give meaning and guidance to their lives…To Aristotle, logic is the indispensable key to truth and happiness. For this reason, he worked out precise and systematic rules for logical thinking, rules that have been respected for centuries.” (“A Brief History of Western Man”,  3d Ed., Greer, Thomas, 1977 Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., Chapter 2: “The Greek Beginnings of Western Civilization”, Pg. 60, emphasis added.)

The Romans took Greek systems of thought and implemented them, and spread Ancient Greek civilization throughout the Mediterranean world.  (“A Brief History of Western Man”,  3d Ed., Greer, Thomas, 1977 Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., Chapter 3: “The Roman Triumph and Fall”, Pg. 79)

Roman civilization flourished until the Dark Ages, when Western Civilization turned away from the Ancient Greek emphasis on this world and towards the afterlife. This state of affairs lasted for about a thousand years until the Renaissance in the 1300’s. Eventually the rediscovery of Ancient Greek ideas led to further innovations in thinking, which reflected the Enlightenment, and the start of what can be considered “modern” Western Civilization:

In philosophy, modernism’s essentials are located in the formative figures of Francis Bacon (1561-1626) and Rene Descartes (1596-1650), for their influence upon epistemology, and more comprehensively in John Locke (1632-1704), for his influence upon all aspects of philosophy.” (Explaining Postmodernism: Skepticism and Socialism From Rousseau to Focault, Hicks, Stephen R.C., Chapter 1: “What Postmodernism Is”, Pg. 7, ISBN 978-0-9832584-0-7)

In essence, “Western” or “Modern” Civilization reflects the following ideas:

(1) Ideas ultimately come from observation, and reasoning is the method of expanding our awareness beyond what is immediately perceived. (2) The individual has primacy. Society is merely a number of individuals who live in society because it is beneficial to their own, personal lives. Life is for the living, and not for the service of some other-worldly authority. There is no reason men should live for others.

Three historic events resulted from these ideas: (1) The Renaissance, which was a movement away from a church-ordered society, and a “rebirth” of Ancient Greek ideas, including a focus on man’s life in the here and now; (2) the Enlightenment, which led to scientific, systematic methods of thinking aimed at comprehending reality; and (3) the Industrial Revolution, which was the material product of the previous two events.

Today, “Western Civilization” is somewhat of a misnomer, since it is no longer exclusively “Western” in geographic scope. The Japanese are a traditionally non-Western people that seem to have successfully integrated our culture into their own. A study of Japanese history since the mid-1800’s reveals a people who made a very conscious effort to adopt Western Civilization:

“…the new government [of Japan] carried out policies to unify the monetary and tax systems, with the agricultural tax reform of 1873 providing its primary source of revenue. Another reform was the introduction in 1872 of universal education in the country, which initially put emphasis on Western learning.” (https://www.britannica.com/event/Meiji-Restoration)

Japan’s leaders in that era [the late 1800’s] held up the West in general, and the United States in particular, as examples to be emulated. Western technology was imported and Japanese students were sent to study in the West. The English language began to be taught in Japanese schools and there was even a suggestion at one point that English be made the national language…” (Black Rednecks & White Liberals, Sowell, Thomas Pg. 259.)

The level of Japanese dedication to Western ideas and ways in the period of the late 1800’s is like no other. The nation went from a fairly backwards, feudalistic system of government and economy to a world power in less than a hundred years, despite the fact that the Japanese started out from systems of thinking and ways of life that were radically different.

Japan is a success today because the ideas the Japanese chose to implement corresponded more closely to realty than the ideas that they discarded or modified to fit with Western Culture:

“…the Japanese recognized their own initial backwardness and were determined to overcome it. They began by learning all that they could from the West and emulating the West until they reached the point when they had amassed the knowledge, skill, and experience to take their own independent direction.” (Black Rednecks & White Liberals, Sowell, Thomas Pg. 260.)

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Western culture is not entirely consistent. There are other strands of thought running through it besides reason, egoism/individualism, and free market capitalism. The Middle and Dark Ages reflected the more Platonic and religious elements of Western Civilization. Those elements still exist today. Additionally, since about the mid-1700’s, another set of ideas has become dominant. These ideas start with the philosophy of Immanuel Kant, who ushered in a sort of “counter-Enlightenment” with the express goal of denying “…knowledge in order to make room for faith.” (See Second Preface to the Critique of Pure Reason, Immanuel Kant.)

Starting with Kant, our culture has increasingly moved from “modern” to what is commonly described as “postmodern”:

The fundamental question of reason is its relationship to reality. Is reason capable of knowing reality -or is it not? Is our rational faculty a cognitive function, taking its material from reality…or is it not? This is the question that divides philosophers into pro- and anti- reason camps…the question that divides the rational gnostics and the skeptics, and this was Kant’s question in his Critique of Pure Reason.” (Explaining Postmodernism: Skepticism and Socialism From Rousseau to Focault, Hicks, Stephen R.C., ISBN 978-0-9832584-0-7, Pg. 28)

Kant was crystal clear about his answer. Reality -real, noumenal reality- is forever closed off to reason, and reason is limited to awareness and understanding of its own subjective products….Limited to knowledge of phenomena that it has itself constructed according to its own design, reason cannot know anything outside itself.” (Explaining Postmodernism: Skepticism and Socialism From Rousseau to Focault, Hicks, Stephen R.C., ISBN 978-0-9832584-0-7, Pg. 29)

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What has been the result of this “postmodern” turn from objectivity and individualism in modern times? The early weeks of June 2020 have revealed just how far the culture has devolved. The rioters have revealed an intellectual rot that I didn’t think existed just a couple of months ago. Throughout the Obama administration, there was rioting centered around allegations of police brutality. (The merits of these allegations of widespread misbehavior by the police, I question, but that can be a debate for another time.) There have also been past debates about the extent to which various statues of Confederate leaders should be taken down, or moved, especially in large Southern cities, which tend to be controlled by black leaders, and to be Democratic.

It wasn’t particularly surprising when Confederate statues in Richmond were vandalized or destroyed. (https://www.npr.org/2020/06/12/876124924/in-richmond-va-protestors-transform-a-confederate-statue) What caught me by surprise with the recent unrest was the speed with which the rioters turned from destroying Confederate statues to destroying and vandalizing statues of past leaders who had nothing to do with the Southern Confederacy. I’ve been aware of the irrational hatred of the college-educated for Christopher Columbus for some time. When a statue of that historical figure was destroyed in Boston, it was expected. (https://www.nbc12.com/2020/06/09/christopher-columbus-statue-torn-down-thrown-lake-by-protesters/)  But, the rioters managed to surprise even me when they went after a statue of Ulysses S. Grant, the General who led the Union army against the Confederacy:

Several videos surfaced on social media Friday of statues of St. Junípero Serra, Ulysses S. Grant and Francis Scott Key being torn down in San Francisco’s Golden Gate Park.” https://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/san-francisco/demonstrators-topple-statues-in-san-franciscos-golden-gate-park/2312839/

Now, there are calls to take down statues of Abraham Lincoln for “racial insensitivity”:

Some UW-Madison students of color want the university to remove one of its most iconic landmarks, a statue of Abraham Lincoln, because of what they see as the former president’s anti-Indigenous and anti-Black history despite Lincoln’s legacy of ending slavery in the U.S.”

https://madison.com/wsj/news/local/education/university/uw-madison-students-call-for-removal-of-abraham-lincoln-statue-on-bascom-hill/article_b12c83c9-38a1-5e68-9964-beabe4046d02.html

“…a rally at the base of the Emancipation Monument in Lincoln Park, calling for the removal of the statue….Marcus Goodwin, a D.C. native and candidate for an at-large seat on the D.C. Council, started an online petition, saying the statue stirred up a lot of thoughts and emotion about racial inequality in America and imagery that depicts African Americans as inferior to others.”

https://www.wusa9.com/article/news/local/dc/emancipation-statue-removal-called-for-in-lincoln-park-protest/65-33bb9f8a-ee02-4b0e-a244-f45fe8aab2bb

The destruction of statues, burning down buildings, and the looting wasn’t even the worst of it. Early on, rioters in Atlanta, Georgia turned on the press, specifically, the CNN building:

CNN Center, the cable network’s Atlanta headquarters, came under attack Friday night during protests over police brutality…CNN correspondent Nick Valencia began reporting on the frightening scene from a stairway inside the building, behind a phalanx of SWAT officers in the lobby, with an angry mob standing on the other side of the broken and missing plate glass. ‘I have a daughter and wife I want to get home to tonight,’ Valencia told anchor Chris Cuomo….Protesters lobbed objects at the windows and into the lobby, and at least one officer was struck. What appeared to be a flash-bang device landed in front of police and large gusts of smoke went up into the air.”

(https://www.thedailybeast.com/furious-demonstrators-swarm-cnn-center-in-atlanta-during-protest-of-george-floyds-death)

The majority of the news media, and certainly CNN, was on the side of the protestors, but this wasn’t good enough. The attack on the CNN building was an assault on a core Western value. This freedom is the key distinction between a free society and a totalitarian state. The rioters and their cheerleaders in academia aren’t just opposed to a few statues of Confederate Generals they consider to be “insensitive”. Their attack on journalism exhibits an intent to destroy a fundamental tenant of modern, Western Civilization: the freedom of speech.

Prior to the rioting and the attacks on the media, there had been a “prequel” of things to come in New York and New Jersey. In December of 2019, members of the “Black Hebrew Israelite” movement, a black racial collectivist group that hates Jews and whites murdered three people in a Kosher market in New Jersey. (https://nypost.com/2019/12/11/jersey-city-shooting-suspects-were-lovers-who-lived-in-a-van/ ) This was followed by other attacks on Jews in the New York area, mostly by blacks, although you wouldn’t know that from reading the papers. (https://www.nbcboston.com/news/national-international/were-going-to-win-this-african-americans-jews-in-brooklyn-reject-return-to-1990s-tensions/2064425/ ) These represented another attack on a foundational aspect of modern, Western Civilization: respect for the rights of others, regardless of their viewpoint or origin. When objectivity is rejected as illusory, men can have no recourse to reason and the facts. The Kantian/Marxist rejection of the concept of objectivity means a rejection of persuasion in favor of feelings, and the naked use of force.

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What were the motives of most of the rioters? Were they aware of the ideas of Kant or Marx? Probably not explicitly. These ideas are simply picked up from their parents, the schools, movies, and on TV. (Today, the Internet.) The ideas of the intellectuals ultimately “trickle down” to the masses, where they are often adopted uncritically without much thought:

In the brain of an anti-conceptual person, the process of integration is largely replaced by a process of association. What his subconscious stores and automatizes is not ideas, but an indiscriminate accumulation of sundry concretes, random facts, and unidentified feelings, piled into unlabeled mental file folders.” (Rand, Ayn, Return of the Primitive: The Anti-Industrial Revolution, “The Age of Envy”, Penguin Group, 1999, http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/anti-conceptual_mentality.html )

In that sense, the rioters are just unwitting cogs serving postmodern intellectuals. They are less guilty. The intellectuals, on the other hand, have provided cover and rationalization for the rioters because it is consistent with what they believe:

“…looting is a lashing-out against capitalism, the police, and other forces that are seen as perpetuating racism…. Others, meanwhile, see looting as a form of empowerment—a way to reclaim dignity after decades of abuse at the hands of police and other authorities…. as soon as the CVS burned in Baltimore, the whole world watched.” (The Atlantic, “Why People Loot”, Olga Khazan, June 2, 2020, https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2020/06/why-people-loot/612577/ )

Democratic politicians made it clear they’re with the rioters, too:

“‘Yes, America is burning. But that’s how forests grow,’…” (https://commonwealthmagazine.org/criminal-justice/healey-america-is-burning-but-thats-how-forests-grow/ ; https://www.politico.com/newsletters/massachusetts-playbook/2020/06/03/massachusetts-playbook-489410 ; https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/george-floyd-democrats-police-deroy-murdock )

’Young people, they have a whole new definition for ‘looting,’’ the 81-year-old congresswoman said. ‘They say ‘looting’ is predatory lending in, you know, minority neighborhoods, where they’re paying 300 and 400 percent on loans by these payday lenders. … You know, on and on and on. They have a different definition for it.’”

https://www.westernjournal.com/maxine-waters-scorched-claiming-real-looting-predatory-lending/http://www.jewishworldreview.com/0620/murdock060820.php3 ; https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/george-floyd-democrats-police-deroy-murdock )

’Colleagues, I hope we’re all saying we understand why that destruction happened and we understand why people are upset.’” (https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/george-floyd-democrats-police-deroy-murdock )

Despite the attack on journalists, they were some of the rioter’s biggest supporters:

“So what do you do when you’re fed up with an unjust system? When the boiling point has reached Fahrenheit levels that don’t even exist? You use that heat to burn it all down.” (Burn It All Down, Essence Magazine, By Yesha Callahan May 28, 2020 https://www.essence.com/op-ed/burn-it-all-down-minneapolis-riots/, emphasis added. )

“’Riots are, at their core, a choice made by those in power, not people who participate in them,’ The Atlantic’s Amanda Mull said via Twitter. ‘If you build a society that exhausts and abuses people and privilege [sic] capital over human life, I’m not sure which other imaginary ‘civil’ options you expect people to exercise.’” (https://www.foxnews.com/opinion/george-floyd-democrats-police-deroy-murdock)

Even CNN seemed to believe it got what it deserved, in a stunning display of masochism:

“Please, show me where it says that protests are supposed to be polite and peaceful…”

(https://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2020/06/04/cnns_chris_cuomo_who_says_protests_are_supposed.html ; https://www.foxnews.com/transcript/federal-judge-says-new-york-officials-were-wrong-to-limit-worship-services-while-condoning-protests )

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If historical events are ultimately driven by ideas, what ideas have many of the intellectuals accepted that lead them to support the violence?

I’ll provide you with an example of two of the postmodern intellectuals that I believe have been driving many of the ideas that brought us to the riots of 2020. These are just two, and I’m sure there are many, many more. Unfortunately, they are a very representative sample of college liberal arts departments. These two are no better or worse than many college professors. My intent here is not to single them out, but to give the reader a “flavor” of contemporary academia.

First is Cheryl Harris,  currently a law professor at the University of California in Los Angeles. ( https://www.law.ucla.edu/faculty/faculty-profiles/cheryl-i-harris#! )

In 1993 Professor Harris wrote an article for the Harvard Law Review called: “Whiteness as Property” According to this article:

The origins of property rights in the United States are rooted in racial domination.”  (“Whiteness as Property”, Harris, Cheryl I., Harvard Law Review, Volume 106 June 1993, Number 8, https://sph.umd.edu/sites/default/files/files/Harris_Whiteness%20as%20Property_106HarvLRev-1.pdf)

In the article, she analyzed a 1978 case called “Regents of the University of California v. Allan Bakee, 438 US 265, https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/438/265 )  In Bakee, the plaintiff,  a white person, sued a California public medical school, because he was denied admission over less-qualified minority applicants, based on the Medical College Admissions Test. (MCAT) Every year, there were 100 slots for the medical school, but 16 of the slots were reserved for members of racial minority groups, although minorities could compete for any of the other 84 slots as well. Bakee said this violated his right to equal protection of the law under the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution. He eventually won after an appeal to the US Supreme Court.

Professor  Harris’ analysis of Bakee rests in the postmodern rejection of objectivity:

Bakke had a specific right to be admitted to medical school based on a ‘universal’ definition of merit. This reductive assessment of merit obscures the reality that merit is a constructed idea, not an objective fact… Nor is it certain that this standard was neutral or colorblind; commentators have claimed that the MCAT and other standardized tests are biased against racial minorities, and that the tests were deployed to ensure white dominance and privilege…” (“Whiteness as Property”, Harris, Cheryl I., Harvard Law Review, Volume 106 June 1993, Number 8, emphasis added.)

By Professor Harris’ reasoning whites cannot assert or expect any legal rights in the face of minority violence because of their “white privilege”. During her analysis of Bakee, Professor Harris criticized the decision because it demanded equal protection of the law for whites. Why? Because there are whites whose ancestors owned slaves. This history, supposedly, gives whites living today “privilege” that should be destroyed by denying whites the equal protection of the law:

Expectations of privilege based on past and present wrongs, however, are illegitimate and are therefore not immune from interference.” (“Whiteness as Property”, Harris, Cheryl I., Harvard Law Review, Volume 106 June 1993, Number 8.)

The fact that presently living whites are innocent of long-past wrongs is irrelevant to Professor Harris. When talking about another affirmative action court challenge, City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469 (1989), she says it is a “questionable normative premise” that whites living today cannot be punished for past slavery:

In the majority’s view, whites cannot be burdened with rectifying inequities that are the product of history. But even if one accepts this questionable normative premise…” (“Whiteness as Property”, Harris, Cheryl I., Harvard Law Review, Volume 106 June 1993, Number 8, emphasis added.)

In other words, to her, it’s “questionable” that individual, presently living white people deserve justice or are entitled to have their rights respected. She goes on to say that:

The inability to see affirmative action as more than a search for the ‘blameworthy’ among ‘innocent’ individuals is tied to the inability to see the property interest in whiteness.” (“Whiteness as Property”, Harris, Cheryl I., Harvard Law Review, Volume 106 June 1993, Number 8.)

In other words, to Professor Harris and her intellectual cohorts, all white people are to blame due to their “white privilege”, and individual whites can be treated unjustly. Whites that are not initiating physical force against blacks can still be made to suffer because of their “privilege”, and they have no basis for complaint. It would appear that to Professor Harris, when the rioters come and burn down your business or home, or attack you because you’re white, you have no right to legal protection from the police. Insisting on such protection would be “white privilege”. Do you think this is an exaggeration?

This is precisely what a Democratic City Council Member in Minneapolis said. Democratic politicians and left-wing intellectuals around the country have been calling for “dismantling the police”. The obvious question has been: who will protect us from criminals without police? In response to this question, Lisa Bender of the Minneapolis City Council had the following exchange with a CNN reporter:

What if in the middle of the night my home is broken into. Who do I call?” CNN anchor Alisyn Camerota asked Bender after the city council president laid out her vision for a post-police city.

‘I hear that loud and clear from a lot of my neighbors, and I know — and myself, too, and I know that that comes from a place of privilege,’ Bender responded.”  ( “Minneapolis City Council President Claims Fear of Dismantling Police ‘Comes From A Place of Privilege” Zachary Evans, National Review•June 8, 2020    https://news.yahoo.com/minneapolis-city-council-president-claims-145054422.html  , emphasis added)

White people who desire not to be robbed, raped, and murdered are “speaking from a place of privilege” according to Democrats, who got such notions from people like Professor Cheryl I Harris of UCLA College of Law.

Why do postmodernist law professors go on and on about “white privilege”? Because they don’t believe in such “Euro-centric” concepts as “justice” and “individual rights”. They believe that your “material circumstances” or your “racial circumstances” determine the content of your mind. They do not believe concepts have any actual connection to reality, which, per Immanuel Kant, is not really knowable. “Truth” is a “white male prejudice”.  Like Marx, they believe governmental functions like the police and the courts are really just an exercise of raw power by the white majority, and must be done away with, no matter how many whites get killed in the process.

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Another postmodern intellectual that is usually on the tip of every college student protestor’s tongue is Robin DiAngelo. In a recent interview, DiAngelo had the following to say:

We don’t understand that objectivity and individuality are privileges. These are not granted to everybody.”( https://www.wktv.com/content/news/571084272.html )

“Justice” is objectivity applied to the appraisal of human beings in order to live your life:

What fact of reality gave rise to the concept ‘justice’? The fact that man must draw conclusions about the things, people and events around him, i.e., must judge and evaluate them. Is his judgment automatically right? No. What causes his judgment to be wrong? The lack of sufficient evidence, or his evasion of the evidence, or his inclusion of considerations other than the facts of the case. How, then, is he to arrive at the right judgment? By basing it exclusively on the factual evidence and by considering all the relevant evidence available. But isn’t this a description of ‘objectivity’? Yes, ‘objective judgment’ is one of the wider categories to which the concept ‘justice’ belongs.” (Rand, Ayn, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, “Definitions”, http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/justice.html )

Objectivity means the correspondence of an idea to reality. Some concepts, like “ghosts” or “witches” have less correspondence to reality than others, such as “atoms” or “men”. By being “objective”, that is, conforming the content of your ideas to reality, you improve your chances of survival and flourishing as a living organism. People who believed in atoms develop life-saving drugs. People who believed in witches burned other people at the stake in Salem.

DiAngelo, on the other hand, is certain that the concept of objectivity is false and a lie:

In theories of discourse, language is not conceptualized as a “pure” or neutral transmitter of a universal reality or truth (Allen, 1996). Rather, language is conceptualized as the historically and culturally situated means by which we construct reality or truth and thus is dependent on the historical and social moment in which it is expressed.” (InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 6(1), “Why Can’t We All Just Be Individuals?: Countering the Discourse of Individualism in Antiracist Education”, DiAngelo, Robin J, Publication Date: 2010-01-25, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fm4h8wm , emphasis added.)

DiAngelo sees concepts like “truth” and “objectivity” as nothing but weapons of the “ruling classes”:

Discourse, because it constructs social relations and social positioning, is infused with relations of unequal power. As Allen (1996) states, language and discourse are not “theory neutral ‘descriptors’ but theory-laden constructs inseparable from systems of injustice”” (InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 6(1), “Why Can’t We All Just Be Individuals?: Countering the Discourse of Individualism in Antiracist Education”, DiAngelo, Robin J, Publication Date: 2010-01-25, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fm4h8wm )

Discourses that become dominant do so because they serve the interests of those in power.” (InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 6(1), “Why Can’t We All Just Be Individuals?: Countering the Discourse of Individualism in Antiracist Education”, DiAngelo, Robin J, Publication Date: 2010-01-25, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fm4h8wm , emphasisa added. )

Who is the “ruling class” according to DiAngelo? White people, of course:

Whites are taught to see their perspectives as objective and representative of reality (McIntosh, 1988). The belief in objectivity, coupled with positioning white people as outside of culture (and thus the norm for humanity), allows whites to view themselves as universal humans who can represent all of human experience.” (“White Fragiltiy”, DiAngelo, Robin, The International Journal of Critical Pedagogy, Vol 3, No 3 (2011), http://libjournal.uncg.edu/ijcp/article/view/249/116 , emphasis added.)

The denial of objectivity is nothing new. DiAngelo is taking the “postmodern party line” when it comes to “concepts”, “truth”, and “objectivity”, which is that they are not possible. “Concepts” are a result of your class, race, or nation, and have nothing to do with whether they conform to reality or not to the Postmodern. Words are just one more tool to be used, actually misused, in the quest to destroy the hated “privileged”:

For the postmodernist, language cannot be cognitive because it does not connect to reality, whether to an external nature or an underlying self. Language is not about being aware of the world, or about distinguishing the true from the false, or even about argument in the traditional sense of validity, soundness, and probability. Accordingly, postmodernism recasts the nature of rhetoric: Rhetoric is persuasion in the absence of cognition…Most other postmodernists, however, see the conflicts between groups as more brutal and our prospects for empathy as more severely limited than does Rorty. [A “moderate” postmodernist.] Using language as a tool of conflict resolution is therefore not on their horizon. In a conflict that cannot reach a peaceful resolution, the kind of tool that one wants is a weapon. And so given the conflict models of social relations that dominate postmodern discourse, it makes perfect sense that to most postmodernists language is primarily a weapon.

            This explains the harsh nature of much postmodern rhetoric. The regular deployments of ad hominem, the setting up of straw men, and the regular attempts to silence opposing voices are all logical consequences of the postmodern epistemology of language. Stanly Fish, as noted in Chapter Four, calls all opponents of racial prefernces bigots and lumps them in with the Ku Klux Klan….With such rhetoric, truth or falsity is not the issue: what matters primarily is the language’s effectiveness.”  (Explaining Postmodernism: Skepticism and Socialism From Rousseau to Focault, Hicks, Stephen R.C., Chapter 6: “Postmodern Strategy”, Pg. 176-178, ISBN 978-0-9832584-0-7)

In her 2011 article “White Fragility”, DiAngelo says that white people hold certain belief systems that make them incapable of recognizing that they are collectively guilty. One of these is their insistence on individualism and on seeing everyone as a human being:

“…whites are taught to see their interests and perspectives as universal, they are also taught to value the individual and to see themselves as individuals rather than as part of a racially socialized group. Individualism erases history and hides the ways in which wealth has been distributed and accumulated over generations to benefit whites today. It allows whites to view themselves as unique and original, outside of socialization and unaffected by the relentless racial messages in the culture…Given the ideology of individualism, whites often respond defensively when linked to other whites as a group or “accused” of collectively benefiting from racism…” (“White Fragiltiy”, DiAngelo, Robin, The International Journal of Critical Pedagogy, Vol 3, No 3 (2011), http://libjournal.uncg.edu/ijcp/article/view/249/116 ,emphasis added. )

DiAngelo sees “…relentless racial messages in the culture…” because she is a racial polylogist. Like all postmoderns, she rejects objectivity. This, in turn, means she rejects justice, which is the objective judgment of people based on their chosen character. From there, she rejects individualism. If a person is not the author of his or her own soul, then they are clearly attached to some collective group, which, for DiAngelo, is their race. She is a racial collectivist, who happens to think the majority race should sacrifice itself to the minority race. America’s ideology of individualism must therefore be destroyed:

In my years as a white person co-facilitating anti-racism courses for primarily white audiences in a range of academic, corporate, and government institutions across the United States, Canada, and the United Kingdom, I have come to believe that the Discourse of Individualism is one of the primary barriers preventing well-meaning (and other) white people from understanding racism.” (InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 6(1), “Why Can’t We All Just Be Individuals?: Countering the Discourse of Individualism in Antiracist Education”, DiAngelo, Robin J, Publication Date: 2010-01-25, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fm4h8wm , emphasis added.)

DiAngelo also sees white people as “privileged” by enormous benefits that come from being white. She is never very specific about what these “privileges” are. In one article she says:

“…only whites have the collective group power to benefit from their racial prejudices in ways that privilege all members of their racial group regardless of intentions (McIntosh, 2004;…” (InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 6(1), “Why Can’t We All Just Be Individuals?: Countering the Discourse of Individualism in Antiracist Education”, DiAngelo, Robin J, Publication Date: 2010-01-25, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fm4h8wm )

DiAngelo cites to Peggy McIntosh, a professor of Women’s Studies at Wellesley College, who appears to be one of the originators of this idea. ( https://www.wcwonline.org/Active-Researchers/peggy-mcintosh-phd )

In her article, “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”, McIntosh gives twenty-six examples of “white privilege”. Most of these “privileges” break down into what I see as three categories: “Economic Privilege”, “Self-Esteem Privilege”, and “Immunity From Bad Acts of Others Privilege”. (These categorizations and labels are my own characterization.) For instance, McIntosh believes that:

I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time.” (“White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”, McIntosh, Peggy, Peace and Freedom Magazine, July/August 1989, https://psychology.umbc.edu/files/2016/10/White-Privilege_McIntosh-1989.pdf )

I take this as an “economic privilege” of white people, since a black person could easily arrange to be in the company of only other black people, if he or she wanted to. Just move to Detroit. I think, implicitly, what McIntosh is saying here is: If you are a black person who wants to have any sort of economic opportunity in life, you will have to associate with a lot of white people, because too many black people are too poor and lacking in fundamental life skills to form a functioning social and economic order.

Another example of a more “clear-cut” “economic privilege” from McIntosh’s article might be:

If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I want to live.” (“White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”, McIntosh, Peggy, Peace and Freedom Magazine, July/August 1989, https://psychology.umbc.edu/files/2016/10/White-Privilege_McIntosh-1989.pdf )

But, how this is an example of “white privilege”, as opposed to just having wealth, she doesn’t expressly say. She implies that black people are, on average, poorer than whites, which is true, but she doesn’t tie that fact in to some sort of animus against black people. It could just as easily be a result of average IQ’s amongst black people being lower for genetic reasons, or due to the cultural differences between the two groups. (Or both.)

About eight of McIntosh’s examples of white privilege are what could be characterized as “self-esteem gained from race solidarity”. For instance:

I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely represented.” (“White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”, McIntosh, Peggy, Peace and Freedom Magazine, July/August 1989, https://psychology.umbc.edu/files/2016/10/White-Privilege_McIntosh-1989.pdf )

In these instances, white people supposedly get a big “mental boost” or “good feelings” from being in the racial majority. Once again, black people in a free society could all choose to live together in one area, and only associate with each other, if they chose. The fact that they don’t suggests that they get some benefit in associating with white people. Additionally, I doubt that the average white American ties their self-esteem to the fact that they can see other white people. It’s precisely because white Americans tend to be individualists that this is going to be irrelevant to them. I think most whites derive their self-esteem from individual accomplishment, and improving their own character, not from seeing a lot of other whites.

The third category of “white privilege” that McIntosh seems to be describing is what I would call, “immunity from the bad acts of others privilege”. For instance, she says that when she moves to a new location:

I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me.” (“White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”, McIntosh, Peggy, Peace and Freedom Magazine, July/August 1989, https://psychology.umbc.edu/files/2016/10/White-Privilege_McIntosh-1989.pdf )

In other words, McIntosh thinks there are large numbers of white people out there in America who will be “unpleasant” to black people or at least not be “neutral” towards them when they move into their neighborhood. Since the majority of Americans passed laws outlawing housing discrimination, her premise of large numbers of “unpleasant” white neighbors with respect to blacks is faulty to begin with. Otherwise, those laws couldn’t have had the broad societal support needed to become law. However, assuming that is the case for a second, note how she wants to place the blame of “unpleasant neighbors” onto people who would not be “unpleasant” towards blacks. In other words, innocent white people should take the blame for the bad acts of other white people. They are somehow responsible for the actions of others.

What I think McIntosh is actually referring to in this example is the phenomena of “white flight”.

This occurs when a neighborhood reaches a certain “tipping point” of the ratio of blacks to whites living there. In essence, when too many blacks move in, whites have a tendency to move out.

First, I think “white flight” is probably rational. The whites may not be leaving primarily due to the skin color of the people coming into the neighborhood, but due to different cultural values that tend to come with that skin color. Those different cultural values lead to reductions in property values. Black residents, on average, don’t take care of their houses as well. The schools start to fail as more black children come in, because they are not raised with the same study-habits and work-ethics as the average white child. Blacks, on average, commit a disproportionate amount of violent crime. In some years, blacks commit close to 50% of all murders, despite being only 13% of the population. “White flight” can also be as simple as wanting to associate with people who have the same “middle class” values that whites are more likely to have.

I certainly wouldn’t want to live in a majority-black area for these reasons. Even if there are individual blacks I encounter who are perfectly fine to deal with, when I am amongst a large number of blacks, the probabilities of my becoming a crime victim goes up. Short of being at a convention of black accountants or engineers, it’s not in my rational self-interest to be in a majority-black area. But, the issue of “white flight” for me is primarily cultural, not racial. Blacks, due to a different history, tend to have different values and attitudes, and therefore behave differently.

McIntosh also doesn’t address why a disproportionate number of blacks are poorer. She assumes “racism” is the answer, and then says white flight is just more of the same “racism”. Fundamentally, this is because McIntosh and DiAngelo are “multiculturalists”. If they were not, then they would see that there may be a small grain of truth in what they are saying, even though they are not recognizing the essence of the problem.

The fundamental problem for blacks is internal, having to do with the content of the minds of many black people. It is the common methods of thinking, habits, and attitudes that tend to predominate within that racial group that is their fundamental problem.

The common methods  of thinking, habits, and attitudes of a given group of people constitutes their “culture”. A culture can have bad ideas. In the past, ancient physicians believed that people were made up of four substances: blood, phlegm, black bile, and yellow bile. They saw sickness as an imbalance of these things, and they’d try to “rebalance” the body by draining “excess blood”. This was known as “bleeding”. ( https://www.bcmj.org/premise/history-bloodletting  )

Bloodletting for this reason was a bad idea. In most contexts, it is likely to kill a patient, not make them better. Bloodletting was a bad idea because it was usually not consistent with the requirements of human life, which is the standard by which ideas should be judged. Ideas that enhance and promote human life are good. Those that do not are bad. (And, reality is what it is, so some ideas correspond to it, and are therefore life-enhancing.)

In addition to explicit practices like bloodletting, a culture can have certain mental attitudes and habits that can either help it succeed, or fail. One of the best academics I have found on the role of culture in social progress and failure is Thomas Sowell:

Each group trails the long shadow of its own history and culture, which influence its habits, priorities, and social patterns, which in turn affect its fate.” (Black Rednecks & White Liberals, Sowell, Thomas Pg. 264.)

In his book, “Black Rednecks & White Liberals”, Sowell presents the thesis that what is considered “urban” or “ghetto culture” within a certain subsegment of the black population in America today is actually a reflection of a Scotts-Irish heritage that white Southerners brought with them before the Scottish were a fully civilized people. This culture was then “transferred” to Southern blacks through interaction with white Southerners. White southerners largely abandoned this culture, but it remained alive in the urban ghetto.

Regardless of whether one agrees with Sowell’s thesis, the underlying point he makes in this and other books is that culture matters to the success or failure of a people because ideas matter to success or failure.

This is where there may be a “grain of truth” in what postmodern academics like McIntosh and DiAngelo are getting at when they speak of things like the white “invisible knapsack”. The “invisible knapsack” is a better set of ideas that represent a superior culture.

It’s even possible that the culture adopted by the majority of American blacks today is a product of slavery. Perhaps the mental habits, ideas, and work-ethic of a significant segment of the American black population is a result of the way their ancestors lived on the plantations. I think it’s also possible they carry part of the culture from Africa. American black ancestors came from significantly more primitive civilizations than the Europeans. It’s also could be a combination of both. (It’s possible Thomas Sowell is right. He certainly makes a compelling argument.) What is important to see is that ideas, beliefs, and attitudes tend to determine an individual’s success or failure in life, and most individuals adopt the attitudes, ideas, and beliefs of their elders by “default”. The solution is to change minds, and to educate and persuade them with better ideas.

But, DiAngelo and her ilk will not accept this solution because they are “multiculturalists”. DiAngelo even comes close to acknowledging that better education of black children could change things in one of her articles:

Consider for example the ways in which schools are funded through the property tax base of the community they are situated in. Given that due to systematic and historical racism, youth of color disproportionately live in poor communities and their families rent rather than own, youth of color are penalized through this policy, which ensures that poor communities will have inferior schools.” (InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 6(1), “Why Can’t We All Just Be Individuals?: Countering the Discourse of Individualism in Antiracist Education”, DiAngelo, Robin J, Publication Date: 2010-01-25, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fm4h8wm , emphasis added.)

Education, when done right, involves instilling the right set of ideas in children. Schools provide them with the knowledge and mental skillsets to succeed as adults. Certain ideas are taught because they advance human life. By complaining about inadequate school funding for black children, DiAngelo is implicitly acknowledging that objectivity matters -that some ideas are true, and others are false. She is implicitly saying we need schools to teach black children the right ideas. However, DiAngelo is also a multiculturalist, so she follows the above paragraph with this:

Other examples of institutional racism that reinforce the ways that schools reproduce inequality include: mandatory culturally biased testing; “ability” tracking; a primarily white teaching force with the power to determine which students belong in which tracks; cultural definitions of intelligence, what constitutes it, and how it is measured; and standards of good behavior that reflect dominant white norms…” (InterActions: UCLA Journal of Education and Information Studies, 6(1), “Why Can’t We All Just Be Individuals?: Countering the Discourse of Individualism in Antiracist Education”, DiAngelo, Robin J, Publication Date: 2010-01-25, https://escholarship.org/uc/item/5fm4h8wm , emphasis added.)

She doesn’t want more funding so that black students can be instilled with a better set of ideas. To her, all ideas, no matter how damaging they are to the lives of blacks, are equal. There is no such thing as objectivity to DiAngelo. She claims that tests are “biased” against blacks, that intelligence is just a “cultural definition”, and that standards of good behavior “reflect dominant white norms”. True to her “postmodern roots”, DiAngelo believes that one can never know “true reality”. The mind “filters” reality through its cognitive processes, and the black mind “filters” reality in a different way.  No ideas are better than any other ideas because there is no such thing as objectivity. If a lot of white people are succeeding while a lot of black people are failing, it’s because the whites “exploited” or “cheated” black people. To DiAngelo, white people have somehow managed to “rig reality” such that their culture, their set of ideas, is dominant, and they have stolen all the wealth.

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The rejection of objectivity by DiAngelo, Harris, and other postmodern intellectuals also explains why they spend such an enormous amount of time focused on past wrongs like slavery in Western Civilization, but pass over, almost without comment, slavery when it occurred in non-Western, and non-white civilizations. Thomas Sowell has noted this phenomena:

None of this means that the horrors of the transatlantic slave trade should be ignored, downplayed, or excused. Nor have they been. A vast literature has detailed the vile conditions under which slaves from Africa lived—and died—during their voyages to the Western Hemisphere. But the much less publicized slave trade to the Islamic countries had even higher mortality rates en route, as well as involving larger numbers of people over the centuries, even though the Atlantic slave trade had higher peaks while it lasted. By a variety of accounts, most of the slaves who were marched across the Sahara toward the Mediterranean died on the way.” (Black Rednecks & White Liberals, Sowell, Thomas Pg. 125-126, emphasis added.)

The “postmodern civil rights advocates” obsessively focus on the past wrongs of whites because to them, that is evidence of why whites are ahead of blacks. They view slavery and “colonialism” as the causal factor for why whites are ahead of blacks. Whereas, I say the superior methods of thinking of the average white, as embodied in Western Civilization’s commitment to objectivity, science, individualism, free markets, and individual rights, is why whites are ahead. White people, along with some Asian countries like Japan, have embraced a better culture. (At least better until the postmodern intellectuals came along.)

To the postmoderns, all ideas are ‘equal’ because of their Kantian view of concepts. This view holds that you are not gaining information about actual reality when you reason. For example, to a postmodern intellectual, faith healing is equally as valid as modern medicine. If one leads to health and one doesn’t, it’s because the group practicing modern medicine is exploiting or cheating the other group. Then, if any member of the group practicing modern medicine ever happens to do anything bad to someone in the group practicing faith healing, it is the postmodern’s “proof” for why the group practicing modern medicine is living longer. It’s not about better ideas, because, to the postmodern multiculturalist, there is no such thing as a better idea. That would imply an objectivity they reject.

The postmodern will find some past injustice committed by the “oppressor group” and assert that as the causal factor for why they are ahead, when, in reality, that past injustice, although an injustice, has nothing or very little to do with why the “oppressor group” is ahead. You can see this by looking at some of the trivial examples of “white privilege” that Professor McIntosh gives in her article, “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”:

“…I can sear, or dress in second hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race….

I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race….

I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group…

I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world’s majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion….”

(“White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”, McIntosh, Peggy, Peace and Freedom Magazine, July/August 1989, https://psychology.umbc.edu/files/2016/10/White-Privilege_McIntosh-1989.pdf )

These are supposedly some of the causal factors for why black people are, on average, poorer than white people. The first three are, at worst, examples of slight “borishness”. (The fourth sounds more like a problem that is “internal” to black people, who expect each-other to know something about Africa, and Africans.)

Examples like these are considered causal by McIntosh for why blacks are economically behind whites, not the methods of thinking of black people. The real causal factor are methods of thinking that are not fully in line with Western Civilization. For instance, there are academic articles studying the “conspiratorial thinking” of large segments of the black population, and how it causes them not to seek medical care or to practice safe sex:

“… medical mistrust increases risk for HIV. Among Black men, research has linked HIV conspiracy beliefs with negative attitudes towards condoms, which in turn are associated with lower likelihood of using condoms consistently (Bogart & Thorburn, 2005). Conspiracy beliefs may relate to mistrust of information from public health officials regarding HIV, including how to reduce risk of transmission.” ( Earnshaw, Valerie A et al. “Stigma and racial/ethnic HIV disparities: moving toward resilience.” The American psychologist vol. 68,4 (2013): 225-36. doi:10.1037/a0032705 https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3740715/ , emphasis added.)

In other words, significant segments of the black population believe that doctors encouraging condom use are part of a conspiracy to cause them harm.

The authors of the above-quoted article will likely call these attitudes on condom use “internalized racism”, but really, what they mean is blacks have a culture of mistrusting doctors and medical science that is causing them to avoid using condoms. The lack of condom use amongst blacks due to “conspiracy beliefs” is but one small example of massive cultural differences between the average black and the average white that are causing blacks to be, on average, poorer. What black people need is a better understanding of the concept of objectivity, and its application to their lives, which means better, more “Eurocentric” education. But, DiAngelo and McIntosh repudiate this as “cultural bias” or “racism”, which has real consequences for blacks that get HIV and die.

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In the end, all ideas have consequences, because reality is what it is. Postmoderns can say all ideas are equally valid, but they cannot make it so.

The behavior of the rioters in the inner cities in North America and Europe is not new. It has been going on since at least the late 1960’s. My concern is with the level of appeasement I see in the media, and amongst our cultural and political “leaders”. They’ve been “softened up” by intellectual snake-oil salesmen like Robin DiAngelo and Cheryl Harris.

You might wonder if Robin DiAngelo “actually believes” what she’s saying, or if it’s just a cynical confidence game. This misses the point entirely. She expressly rejects objectivity. To her, there is no difference between a con-artist, and a college professor. She’s got the “mental tools” to evade the question in her own mind, altogether. Those of us who want to live cannot afford to do the same. We must squarely address the root of the problem when it comes to disproportionate amounts of black crime and black poverty. The cause lies in a different set of ideas and methods of thinking. It lies in cultural patterns that must be rejected by more black Americans, if living and prospering is important to them.

The destruction of businesses and property doesn’t matter to the rioters or UCLA law professor Cheryl I Harris because justice for individuals doesn’t matter, just racial aggregates. Every white person is guilty because of their “privilege”, and they have no right to expect that their property or lives will be protected. The police will be defunded to stamp out “privilege”, no matter how many law-abiding people are slaughtered by criminals.

The rioters started with Confederate statues and moved on to destroying statues of leaders of the Union Army. If Grant and Abraham Lincoln don’t “make the cut”, then nothing will. I’ve often wondered where they would “draw the line” when it came to what statues they would let stand. Now I see all will be razed, if things continue down this path. The rioters have been taught by postmodern intellectuals that objectivity is a myth. For them, the idea of even “drawing a line” smacks of “Eurocentrism”.

Recent events have the feel of crossing a cultural Rubicon. I hope I’m wrong. Maybe there is still a “silent majority” of North Americans, Australians, and Western Europeans out there who are at least capable of recognizing that the ideas many on the political left, in academia, and in the media are pushing will result in our cultural and political suicide -in the destruction of what freedom, representative government, capitalism, prosperity, and legal rights we have left. At root, the rioters and their “intellectual cheerleaders” aim at the destruction of fundamental concepts found in Western Civilization that account for its success. Statue-destruction by rioters is almost metaphorical: They can’t raise individuals up. Each of us must do that for ourselves.  All they can do is tear the rest of us down.

The COVID-19 Crisis, Collectivism, and Capitalism

The military, police, and medical professions often train for emergency situations.  (https://www.psychologytoday.com/us/blog/choke/201005/want-success-under-stress-close-the-gap-between-practice-and-competition)   First responders and military try to create a system of steps that are to be taken in situations that are not likely to occur on a daily basis. It’s widely recognized that high stress is going to make thinking harder, not easier. Success in an emergency situations depends on thinking ahead of time about what steps need to be taken, and then training before the emergency occurs.

I suspect emergency responders train because the human mind needs a set of guiding principles to deal with the overwhelming sensory information that is presented to it. A person often does not have the time to sit down and evaluate each situation individually and determine what the best course of action is. Action is called for, especially in an emergency.

Concepts are a means of categorizing sensory-perceptual data in a systematic manner to improve one’s chances of living a successful and happy life. (How We Know: Epistemology on An Objectivist Foundation”, Binswanger,2014, TOF Publications, pg. 135; see, also, “The Virtue of Selfishness: The Objectivist Ethics”, Rand,Man’s actions and survival require the guidance of conceptual values derived from conceptual knowledge.”)

A “principle” is a sort of aphorism or mental statement, made up of simpler concepts. It describes a particular cause-and-effect relationship one must implement to increase the chances of living. (How We Know: Epistemology on An Objectivist Foundation”, Binswanger,2014, TOF Publications, Pg 306.) For instance, a person might adopt the principle of: “When dealing with others, treat them fairly, and in a win-win manner.” This is a principle guiding how one deals with other people socially and in business. This principle of justice is a recognition that just as you want to live, so too, do most other people want to live. You must provide them with a benefit to keep them dealing with you. It is a recognition of a particular cause -giving positive incentives for other people- that will bring about a particular effect -the benefits of trade.  A boss pays his workers, the cause, in exchange for their labor, an effect, that he wants. A person listens to his friend describe his fantastic new job, and congratulates him, because he wants his friend to offer him positive reinforcement when something good happens in his own life. Husbands don’t cheat on their wives (the cause), because their wives agree to live with them and have sex only with them (the effect).

Problems can arise from the human mind’s need for principles to live in at least two way: (1) Some principles adopted by people are either false, or are false in a particular context; and (2) Not everyone agrees that the purpose of principles is to improve your life and well-being. Dogma is an example of “principles” that are aimed at some purpose other than living. (For instance, a religious instruction that tells people not to eat certain foods, not because of any health reasons, but simply because it is forbidden by some sort of supernatural authority.)

A feature of the human mind is a tendency to “fall to the level of your training” rather than “rise to the occasion” during a national emergency. People are going to tend to take whatever pre-existing ideas they may have about human nature, society, and the good life, and apply them. If they haven’t thought too deeply about the implications of these ideas, then there can be negative consequences.

Political systems and social systems tend to operate on a sort of “inertia”, in which our cultural institutions are based on long-standing ideas and traditions. As a result, our political systems may last longer than the ideas that created them. In the past hundred and fifty years, the ideas that created American culture and institutions have largely been discarded by academics and intellectuals in exchange for other notions. Our institutions and social mores have changed more slowly, because of “cultural inertia”. Our court systems, political institutions, and some social customs, are based in a better era. They exemplify the “pursuit of happiness” expounded by Enlightenment philosophers, like John Locke and Aristotle. Academics have long since rejected those ideas in favor of the collectivism of Marx and the duty of Kant. (See “Explaining Post Modernism: Skepticism and Socialism From Rousseau to Foucault”, Hicks, 2018)

I am not a historian, but what I think happens in a national emergency or social crisis is that the old institutions need adjustment to the current context, but since academics, lawyers, politicians, and other cultural elites don’t really understand or accept the ideas on which those old institutions were formed, they are unable to offer any sort of adjustment or modification of those institutions. All they have available in their conceptual “toolbox” are the newer ideas, which have never been fully implemented, due to the “cultural inertia” I discussed. As a result, during a social crisis, there is a strong possibility of a sudden overthrow of the old institutions in favor of contrary, newer ideas. The contradiction between the new ideas and the old institutions suddenly becomes unsustainable, and there is a quick shift.

The tendency of old institutions to be overthrown in favor of a new system, representing current ideas, during a crisis is not necessarily bad. It depends on what those newer ideas are, and what the new system consists of. It’s possible the new ideas are better than the ideas that formed the basis of the old regime. It is theorized by some historians that the Black Death in Europe, between 1348 and 1350, helped shatter the old Feudal order:

What’s often missing from this story, however, is the wider context and the lasting impact of the Black Death. This is a story not only of unfathomable tragedy, but also of transformation and rebirth. The plague, in combination with a host of other related and overlapping crises, delivered a death blow to Medieval Europe, ushering in a new age — the Renaissance and the rise of so-called agrarian capitalism — and ultimately setting the stage for the Industrial Revolution and the modern world.” (“The Black Death led to the demise of feudalism. Could this pandemic have a similar effect?”, Adam McBride, in April 26, 2020 ed. of “Salon”, emphasis added, online at:  https://www.salon.com/2020/04/26/the-black-death-led-to-the-demise-of-feudalism-could-this-pandemic-have-a-similar-effect/ )

(Note: I do not agree with the proposed political and policy solutions in the last several paragraphs of this article, but I do agree with the historical account of the Black Death as an immediate cause of the end of the Middle Ages.)

The reason the Black Death could be socially and politically transformative, giving rise to the Renaissance, is because there were underlying ideas that had been circulating in the European culture for some time. The Renaissance was a “rebirth” of Ancient Greek ideas:

The argument [amongst medieval scholastics] paralleled the classical one between Plato and the Sophists. Plato believed that Ideas (Forms) had a perfect and independent existence, while the Sophists thought that only particular things existed. In the Middle Ages, those who held that ‘universals’ were real were called ‘realists’; those who declared that they were just names (nomina) were called ‘nominalists’. The argument was (and is) of critical importance to one’s philosophical outlook. The extreme realists attached little importance to individual things and sought through sheer logic or divine revelation to approach the universals. The extreme nominalists, by contrast, perceived only discrete objects and refused to admit the existence of unifying relationships among the infinitude of particulars. The realists tended to ignore the observed world; the nominalists could scarcely comprehend it. Most schoolmen took a middle position on this question. Among the moderates, [Peter] Abelard…held that only particular things have an existence in and of themselves. The universals, however, are more than mere names. They exist as concepts in individual minds -keys to an understanding of the interrelatedness of things…By means of many such concepts, inferred from individual observations, we can make the world (to a degree) comprehensible, manageable, and predictable…Thomas Aquinas, the greatest of the scholastic philosophers, was a moderate realist…Following the lead of…Abelard…Aquinas set a high value on the faculty of reason. By this time the full impact of Aristotle and the new learning from the East had struck the schools and universities of Europe, and Christian dogmas were being challenged by pagan, Muslim, and Jewish logicians…Aquinas adopted Aristotelian logic and turned it to the defense of his faith….Both faith and reason, he argued, were created by God, and it is illogical to hold that God could contradict himself.” (“A Brief History of Western Man”,  3d Ed., Greer, Thomas, 1977 Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., Chapter 6: “The Flowering of Medieval Culture, Pg. 214-215)

Thomas Aquinas had brought Aristotelian thought back to Europe, in the sense of giving those ideas institutional respectability in the Catholic church. Most cultural and academic elites of that time were in the Church. By adopting Aristotle to fit with Church doctrine, at least for a while, Aquinas lay the groundwork for the Renaissance. He predated the Black Death, with published works between the 1240’s and the 1280’s. ( https://www.britannica.com/topic/Christianity/Aristotle-and-Aquinas )  A reemergence of the ideas of Aristotle took the focus of intellectuals away from a hard, “Platonic realism”, which focused on alleged revelations from another word. Aristotelianism moved European thinking towards greater observation of particulars in the world of our senses, which is essential to scientific and modern thinking.

This history of the Black Death, the reemergence of Aristotelianism in the late Middle Ages, and the Renaissance, suggests a theory concerning how historical change occurs: A crisis can accelerate what is already occurring in a society. Newer ideas that have been circulating in the culture for some time can quickly and drastically transform social and political institutions during a crisis. Those transformations can be for better or worse, depending on the underlying ideas driving the transformation.

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COVID-19 is our current national crisis. People are approaching it with a lifetime of ideas they have gathered up and accepted, either expressly, or by default, because they didn’t examine the ideas around them too closely. What ideas have a significant segment of the American population accepted? What ideas have the majority of academics, journalists, lawyers, and politicians accepted? In a crisis, there is very little time to act. Immediate action is called for. Just like soldiers will “fall to the level of their training” rather than “rise to the occasion” in an emergency, so too will politicians fall to the level of their “training” from college. What did they learn at the universities? For the most part, their professors taught them to embrace collectivism, and to reject individual rights. This collectivism has taken the form of many slogans over the years, and now, the serpent’s egg is hatching.

I’ll start by defining some of my key terms:

(1) What are individual rights?

A ‘right’ is a moral principle defining and sanctioning a man’s freedom of action in a social context.” (The Virtue of Selfishness, “Man’s Rights”, Ayn Rand)

(2) What is the purpose of individual rights?

Rights are conditions of existence required by man’s nature for his proper survival. If man is to live on earth, it is right for him to use his mind, it is right to act on his own free judgment, it is right to work for his values and to keep the product of his work. If life on earth is his purpose, he has a right to live as a rational being: nature forbids him the irrational.” (Atlas Shrugged, Ayn Rand)

(3) What is collectivism?

Collectivism means the subjugation of the individual to a group—whether to a race, class or state does not matter. Collectivism holds that man must be chained to collective action and collective thought for the sake of what is called ‘the common good.’”  (Ayn Rand, “The Only Path to Tomorrow,” Reader’s Digest, Jan, 1944, 8., http://aynrandlexicon.com/lexicon/collectivism.html)

Our society and legal system are a combination of egoism and individual rights on the one hand and collectivism and “the common good” on the other. The former are older ideas that are based in the likes of Aristotle and John Locke, while the later are based in the ideas of Marx, Hegel, and other 18th Century philosophers. (See “Explaining Post Modernism: Skepticism and Socialism From Rousseau to Foucault”, Hicks, 2018; see, also, The Ominous Parallels, Leonard Peikoff.)

The expression: “The road to hell is paved with good intentions” is inaccurate. The road to hell is paved by what one considers to be the good, but is, in fact, the opposite. The road to hell is paved by collectivist intentions. Several commonly held collectivist ideas have resulted in what are logical, albeit unforeseen, consequences of the government’s reaction to the present COVID-19 epidemic. What are some of these collectivist ideas driving the current governmental response to COVID-19?

(1) The Collectivist Idea that “Healthcare Is A Right”

One of the first acts of many state governors in the face of the COVID-19 crisis was to force “non-essential” healthcare workers off the job. Counties and states banned “elective” medical care. https://www.kxan.com/news/texas/dallas-county-enacts-shelter-in-place-effective-sunday-night-to-combat-covid-19-pandemic/

Apparently, politicians thought of doctors and healthcare workers as having “fungible” skill-sets. If they banned “elective” procedures, then they believed this would leave more healthcare “resources” for others. However, just because a doctor can perform a rhinoplasty or a breast-enhancement surgery, doesn’t mean he has sufficient knowledge to treat a person suffering from a viral respiratory illness. A dermatologist can’t perform heart surgery:

“…thousands of health care workers across the nation who have been laid off, furloughed or are working reduced hours as their services are deemed nonessential…The workers range from dentists and general surgeons to medical assistants and nurses, from allergists and dermatologists to primary care physicians and pediatricians.” https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/health/2020/04/02/coronavirus-pandemic-jobs-us-health-care-workers-furloughed-laid-off/5102320002/

People were told by politicians not to be selfish, and forego “elective” medical procedures during the COVID-19 pandemic. Who decides what is an important health care matter and what is merely “elective”? When health care is viewed as a right, it’s not you and your doctor. The government owns your doctor’s life. (And your life.) Politicians and bureaucrats, viewing healthcare as a “right” are essentially saying:

“That spot on your arm? Probably nothing, probably not melanoma. That toothache? Probably nothing probably not a life-threatening tooth abscess. That debilitating knee pain? How selfish of you to want to be out of pain when there are people dying. You think you have a life-threatening peanut allergy, and need to see your allergist? Suck it up, and quit complaining, buttercup.”

What was the consequence of government forbidding “elective medicine”? Doctors and hospitals can no longer make a profit, which means, in the long run, they’ll go out of business and there will be less healthcare, not more:

Government-mandated cutbacks on elective procedures and routine check-ups have forced independent medical practices to temporarily close their doors. The loss of revenue may soon force some practices to furlough staff, and in the worst-case scenarios to go out of business, causing significant access-to-care disruptions once the pandemic subsides.”  https://triblive.com/opinion/dr-lawrence-john-covid-19-could-devastate-medical-practices/

Thinking of “health care as a right” has also led to a massive conflict between different groups in our society. One group doesn’t need to go out to work, either because they can work from home, or because they are wealthy enough to avoid work. Another group, needs to work, and cannot do so from home. Their jobs and businesses have been largely shut down due to local and state “stay at home orders”. This reflects the phenomena of “rights inflation”.

A collectivist tyranny dare not enslave a country by an outright confiscation of its values, material or moral. It has to be done by a process of internal corruption. Just as in the material realm the plundering of a country’s wealth is accomplished by inflating the currency—so today one may witness the process of inflation being applied to the realm of rights. The process entails such a growth of newly promulgated ‘rights’ that people do not notice the fact that the meaning of the concept is being reversed. Just as bad money drives out good money, so these ‘printing-press rights’ negate authentic rights….The ‘gimmick’ was the switch of the concept of rights from the political to the economic realm. The Democratic Party platform of 1960 summarizes the switch boldly and explicitly….The right to a useful and remunerative job…The right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy good health….If some men are entitled by right to the products of the work of others, it means that those others are deprived of rights and condemned to slave labor.” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “Man’s Rights”, Ayn Rand https://courses.aynrand.org/works/mans-rights/ , emphasis added.)

If “health care is a right”, then “health is a right” – and it will conflict with other people being able to earn a living with shelter in place orders. The wealthy, who don’t need to work, will tend to see “health as a right” that trumps the right to earn a living by people of lesser means. White-collar workers, who can work from home, will tend to focus on “the right to health”, while service industry people in the restaurant and “non-essential” retail businesses will want to leave home. Who do you think has more influence in Washington and the State Capitals? The wealthy/white collar types, or the poor and service-industry employees?

The retired elderly, who are more susceptible to COVID-19, will also tend to see “health as a right”, that overrides the need of younger adults to earn a living, and of children to obtain an education . Who do you think has more political influence in Washington and at the State and local level? The politicians know senior citizens vote, while the young do not.

Right now, the US has enough wealth that it can manage without people actually starving. Not so in other areas of the world. The lock-downs in Africa are causing people to go without food:

Four weeks into a 35-day lockdown poor communities are facing food shortages as incomes for mostly informal workers have dried up.”

https://news.yahoo.com/violence-looting-point-food-crisis-africa-lockdown-112929125.html

The wealthy of Africa don’t care. They have plenty of food, so they will choose to reduce their health risk, and they’ll impose that choice on the poor.

Years of thinking of “health care as a right”, without considering the context of who is to pay for it and who is to provide it, has resulted in the present conflict between those who can afford the lock-down (the elderly, the wealthy, and white collar workers), and those who cannot afford it (the young, service industry workers, and the working poor.) “Rights inflation” has destroyed real, individual rights to life, liberty, and property. It has lead to “pressure group warfare” in the legislature and government as different interest groups try to ensure their group’s interests are advanced at the expense of other groups. (What I call a “cold civil war”.)

In reality, there is no “right to health care” or “right to food”. There is a right to take the actions necessary to maintain your life, while leaving others free to do the same, by not using physical force against them to deprive them of their values. All law must hold this principle as its touchstone. You have a right not to be robbed. You have a right not to be murdered. You don’t have a right to get together a big enough gang of lobbyists in Washington DC or at the Dallas County Commissioners Court, and then “legally rob” other people through taxes and regulations -or force them to remain in their house and off their job.

(2) The Collectivist Idea of “Prophylactic”, or “Preventative” Law.

“Preventative law”, or “prophylactic rules”, is not aimed at prohibiting the violation of individual rights. It is law aimed at preventing certain actions that could potentially lead to the violation of individual rights. It arises because legislators do not fully understand or comprehend what the purpose of government and law is in the first place: To allow men to live their lives in a social environment, free from the initiation of physical force.

“Gun control” laws are an example of preventative law the left loves. The left wants to stop people who might kill with a gun by banning them for everyone. But, if government officials are entitled to initiate physical force against those who merely choose to own a gun, then there is nothing, in principle to stop them from initiating physical force against anyone deemed a “potential threat”.

Another example are most “environmental regulations”. These laws prohibit certain economic activity not because someone has actually been injured by another person’s pollution coming onto their property, but merely because a business *might* injure someone with its activities.

Another, more relevant, example with regard to the current COVID-19 crisis would be a curfew law. Such a law is enacted to prevent all persons from going outside after a certain hour, because there is a small number of criminals who commit armed robbery at night. This was the example provided by Ayn Rand on a discussion of the concept of law, recorded in the 1960’s. (http://aynrandlexicon.com/ayn-rand-works/objective-law.html. -Starting at about 14 minutes in, Miss Rand discusses this issue for preventative law, and gives the example of curfew laws. She says a small number of people might engage in “night hold ups”, what we’d call a mugging today, but she did not believe it is justification for holding the best in society to the level of the worst in society.)

Preventative law is very common in the laws regulating businesses, and has been for about a hundred years now:

“…’protective’ legislation falls in the category of preventive law. Businessmen are being subjected to governmental coercion prior to the commission of any crime. In a free economy, the government may step in only when a fraud has been perpetrated, or a demonstrable damage has been done to a consumer; in such cases the only protection required is that of criminal law.” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “The Assault on Integrity” Alan Greenspan.)

The effect of preventative law is to make it difficult to maintain your life. Second Amendment advocates will say something like “when guns are outlawed, only the outlaws have guns”. This is said, in part, because “gun control” makes it impossible to legally use a gun for self-defense. A law-abiding person is being held to the level of a criminal when it comes to “gun control”, even though there is no evidence he would commit a crime with a gun.  In the case of the COVID-19 emergency, those who want to earn a living are being legally prevented from doing so, even though there is no evidence they are sick.

Similar to “gun control” laws and “environmental laws”, with COVID-19, the left wants to stop the vast majority of people from living their lives, with zero due process, and zero evidence that they are sick or contagious.

(3) The Collectivists Hold a “Platonic Guardian” View of Science, and a Distrust of the “Common Man”

The father of collectivism in Western Civilization is Plato. He divides his collectivist “Republic” into three classes: the producers, the auxiliaries, and the guardians:

“The guardians are responsible for ruling the city. They are chosen from among the ranks of the auxiliaries, and are also known as philosopher-kings.”  https://www.sparknotes.com/philosophy/republic/characters/

Today’s leftists view themselves as our society’s philosopher-kings. Their attitude is: “Don’t bother explaining the science to the people. Don’t try to obtain voluntary consent. The people are too stupid to understand. Force is necessary. Force is the only method that is efficacious.”

The hallmark of collectivists is their deep-rooted distrust of freedom and of the free-market processes; but it is their advocacy of so-called ‘consumer protection’ that exposes the nature of their basic premises with particular clarity. By preferring force and fear to incentive and reward as a means of human motivation, they confess their view of man as a mindless brute functioning on the range of the moment…” (Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal, “The Assault on Integrity” Ayn Rand.)

This attitude of the elite philosopher-king who will rule over the rest of us is seen in a common argument amongst environmentalist politicians, which is something along the lines of: “97% of scientist agree that human beings are causing average global temperatures to go up.”  https://www.forbes.com/sites/uhenergy/2016/12/14/fact-checking-the-97-consensus-on-anthropogenic-climate-change/#45e4f5b71157

This is not an argument based in evidence or logical argument. It’s a sort of “argument from authority’” (At one time, the majority of authorities thought the Earth was the center of the universe.) What matters is the evidence, which can be communicated to anyone with a normal brain. If there is evidence, then show the evidence. Don’t just belittle people and tell them there is a scientific consensus, but they’re too stupid to understand the science.  (This argument is probably being used because most of the reporters and politicians who think average global temperatures are going up due to human activity don’t understand the science themselves.)

If you went to the doctor’s office, and he said: “You need immediate surgery, but I’m not going to tell you where or why -just trust my authority as a doctor,” you’d likely want more of an explanation. To the philosopher-king left, no such explanation is necessary or useful during the present COVID-19 crisis. Just obey them because they know better. These decisions are often being made by state governors and mayors, using ill-defined “natural disaster statutes”, with little or no input from legislatures or courts. The actions of California Governor Gavin Newsom, Dallas County Judge Clay Jenkins, and Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer reflect the two-thousand-year-old ideas of Plato. Our “Philosopher-king” governors and mayors will rule over us, the “unwashed masses”. We’re too stupid to make our own decisions.

In Ayn Rand’s novel Atlas Shrugged, a major character is a government scientist who sets himself up as a sort of “philosopher-king”, who wants state funded science because he thinks the people are too stupid to make their own decisions, or to understand science. This is the story of Dr. Robert Stadler. He was a brilliant scientist, disgusted by the profit motive and the need to earn a living. He viewed science as something that should be pursued, not to serve human life, but as a “pure intellectual pursuit”. For Dr. Stadler, “reason” wasn’t “man’s means of survival”. It was a sort of Platonic “end in itself”.

Prior to the start of the novel’s main plot line, Dr. Stadler had used his reputation as a scientist to obtain governmental funding for a “State Science Institute”, so that he could pursue “science without a profit motive”. In the end, all that the “State Science Institute” produced was a weapon of mass destruction aimed at the subjugation of the American population. (A fictional version of the atomic bomb.)

The last scene involving Dr. Stadler is him physically wrestling for control of the weapon with Cuffy Meigs, a “two-bit” “mafia type”, who has risen to power in the corrupt government of a dystopian near-future America. Cuffy Meigs has no respect for science or reason. His only interest is gaining power through the use of physical force, and he’s better at it than Dr. Stadler.  I think what Rand was trying to say here is: Beware all you men of science who think the masses are too stupid to understand your ideas, so you want to substitute force for voluntary persuasion. If you try to set yourself up as a philosopher-king who rules by the use of force, you’ll ultimately loose to the criminal thugs of the world, who are better at violence than you’ll ever be. The criminals who will come to power will care little for science or reason.

If reason is discarded in favor of force, then the winner won’t be the person with the most logical argument. It’ll be the person with the biggest gun, and who is most willing to use it.  The most brutal will come to power, not the men of reason. It’s the thugs like Stalin and Mao Zedong who will be in the political driver’s seat, not a Newton or Galileo.

When individual rights are outlawed, only the criminals will have guns.

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If it’s collectivism that is driving current governmental policy when it comes to COVID-19, someone might ask what is my alternative? It’s fine and good to talk about individual rights, but how would a more capitalist society, committed to the respect of rights to life, liberty, and property, deal with the problem of a pandemic? This is a fair question.

Part of the problem is the average American has a difficult time even imagining what a truly capitalist society would look like. They make assumptions that are collectivist, often just by “default” because “that’s just how it is done” in their minds. Non-academic Americans value individualism and the egoistic “right to pursue happiness”, but they cannot always translate that into practice when it comes to our legal system and institutions. This is not a failing of the American people at large. It’s a failure of intellectuals, college professors, newspaper reporters, economists, lawyers, and politicians to present and explain such ideas. The majority of the intellectual elites are hostile towards individualism, and don’t believe people should pursue their own happiness. “Selfishness” is a dirty word for most of the elites in our society.

How would a government under capitalism deal with a viral pandemic? 1

I want to briefly address another set of ideas circulating in our society. These ideas tend to fall under the term “conservatism”, although, like “liberalism”, that is a poorly-defined term. “Conservatism” tends to reject collectivism, but one strand of that school of thought wants to replace it with religion and faith. In other words, it wants to replace the Enlightenment ideas of John Locke and Isaac Newton with those of the early Middle Ages. The early Middle Ages, the Dark Ages, were characterized by the fall of the Roman Empire, ignorance, the destruction of trade, reduced standard of living, “…frequent warfare and a virtual disappearance of urban life.” https://www.britannica.com/event/Dark-Ages

Today, cultures dominated by religious faith are mostly found in the Muslim world. Religious theocracies like Iran are characterized by violence and the violation of individual rights in order to prepare people for the afterlife. It’s beyond the scope of what I’m writing here, but,  I’ve read a compelling argument for the possibility that a large crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic could lead to a rejection of modernism in favor of some version of religion. It would probably take the form of a Christian theocracy in Europe and North America. In other words, it’s possible that religious faith, which still exists to some greater or lesser degree in the minds of Western men, could come to the surface, especially if Westerners widely viewed science and modernism as having failed them during a major crisis. (I refer the reader to “The DIM Hypothesis” by Leonard Peikoff for more on that.) This would largely be the fault of academics and philosophers as well, since they’ve spent the last hundred and fifty years attacking reason. (See “Explaining Post Modernism: Skepticism and Socialism From Rousseau to Foucault”, Hicks, 2018; see, also, The Ominous Parallels, Leonard Peikoff.)

(1) Privatized Cities

First, it must be understood that cities would be private under capitalism. Every square inch of a city would be owned by some particular person, or group of people. There would be no “public property” at all. Force is not used to fund a private city, and all standards of behavior and business safety are established by voluntary contract. (With contracts being enforced by the court system.)

Even today, there already are “quasi-private” cities to some degree.  You see this, at least partially, with “planned communities”. A developer will build an entire city grid with streets, neighborhoods, schools, parks, and business districts. Then, anyone who wants to move there, must agree to the conditions of the developer. There is a preexisting agreement not to build a commercial warehouse right next to a neighborhood with families in it. Bars are located in one section of the town, while schools and families are in another, etc. An example of an almost entirely private city may be Celebration, Florida, which was created from scratch by the Walt Disney Corporation.

Major cities are seeing the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the United States, New York, New Orleans, and San Francisco have been hit hard. These are all “port” cities, with a large flow of people and goods into, and out of the country. Additionally, they are “high density” populations, so the virus can easily spread once it comes into one of these cities.

People living in high-density, high-immigration cities like New York, are, in a sense, imposing the likelihood of pandemic on the rest of the nation. It’s an example of what economists call a “negative externality”.  People who might become sick due to risky behavior, but are asymptomatic carriers, are wanting to move about and earn a living. When some of them become sick, they then infect other people, who develop more serious symptoms or even die. The people who get sick, but are asymptomatic, are unwittingly imposing the cost of their more-risky behavior on those who do not want the risk:

The spread of COVID-19 is a great example of an externality, which is an economic term for a cost or benefit incurred or received by a third party. The best example of a negative externality is air pollution, such as when a factory emits air pollution that imposes a cost on neighbors.” https://www.cato.org/blog/less-costly-ways-reduce-harm-covid-19-without-travel-immigration-bans

Negative externalities arise because private property rights in a particular sphere are non-existent, or not well-defined. The solution is to define private property rights, and distribute “public property” to private owners. (Through a public auction, or through some sort of distribution to taxpayers.)

The details of how you take an existing city and “privatize” it would take an entire paper of its own, but in principle,  the existing residents of the city, who pay the local taxes, should all be given shares in a corporation that owns all of the previously-public infrastructure. These shareholders then have a right to elect a governing board of directors. Coerced local taxes would be replaced by “user fees”. Shareholders have to pay the user fees, and abide by the rules. The corporation would be free to charge fees for the use of its facilities, such as the roads. The city could also impose health and safety rules as a contractual condition of living there. For instance, a local business would need to abide by health and safety rules in order to have access to the roads in the city. The business would be free not to abide by these rules, but they’d be limited to flying their customers in by helicopter, or some other means that doesn’t involve the use of the roads. Since most businesses couldn’t carry on without access to the roads, they’d all abide by the health and safety rules, or they’d shut down and move somewhere else. Those who don’t like the rules, can move to another city. Competition would then occur between cities to attract residents and customers by offering the best “package” of services, such as roads, utilities, and reasonable health and safety rules, at the lowest cost.

If there are only private cities, then pandemics could be more easily fought. The owners of private city infrastructure have a profit incentive to ensure that pandemics do not spread. Say there are three private cities, and one of them, City A, has a pandemic. Cities B and C can refuse entry from people from City A until the pandemic is over. In other words, instead of the government having to impose a lockdown on City A, all of the other cities will, effectively, “socially distance” at the city-wide level.

There would also only be private highways, and the owners of the private highways could set standards of health for who can travel on them. They would want to protect their customers, so it is even less likely that people from City A would be allowed to travel to City B while the pandemic in City A is going on.

This is a much more “granulated” and precise approach to preventing the spread of disease than at the border of a country, which causes unnecessary disruptions of trade and the flow of healthy people.

(2) Freedom of Immigration Can Increase Healthcare “Resources”

With the exception of short quarantines and refusing entry to terrorists at war with the United States, more immigration would reduce the chances of a viral pandemic spreading and overwhelming the healthcare industry. An example of this could be seen with the fires in Australia in 2019. During that emergency, firemen from around the world traveled to Australia to help put out the conflagration:

Firefighters from across the US have been helping since early December. On Saturday, a group of 20 will deploy and will be followed by another group of 80 on Monday, bringing the total to 175 American firefighters on the ground in Australia.

Canada, and New Zealand are also part of a mutual aid system, helping Australia in its firefighting efforts.https://www.msn.com/en-us/weather/topstories/more-us-firefighters-heading-to-help-australia-fight-wildfires/ar-BBYBhzS

COVID-19 didn’t spontaneously arise all over the world at one time. It started in a specific city in China. It spread from there to the rest of the world, then it spread to nearby countries like South Korea, Hong Kong, and Taiwan.  (With air travel causing it to spread further, faster.)

If COVID-19 had been revealed sooner, it might have been possible to stop it before it started with doctors and healthcare workers coming into the area to treat patients, similar to what firefighters did in Australia. The spread of COVID-19, however, was moved along by the suppression of information by the Chinese government, which does not respect individual rights, like freedom of the press or freedom of movement.

(3) “Socially Distance” Ourselves From Authoritarian and Totalitarian Nations

The existence of “bad actors” like China makes a viral epidemic more likely to spread to freeer, more capitalistic countries like the United States and Western Europe. The suppression of individual rights in countries like China would have to be addressed by specific foreign policy actions of a fully capitalist nation. Open warfare with nations like China may not always be possible, perhaps because they possess nuclear weapons, making it too risky, or simply because it is not in the national interest of the capitalist nation to go to war with them, in terms of cost and lives lost.

How would a capitalist republic deal with bad actors like China, short of open war? By not dealing with them, and encouraging, but not forcing, their citizens not to deal with them.

A capitalist nation would recognize that it is, in a sense, at war with all totalitarian states, even if no shots are being fired. A free society and a totalitarian state are not compatible. Short of open warfare, which might not be feasible, here are some alternative solutions:

a. Economic boycott – Private citizens within the capitalist nation can be urged to voluntarily sign contracts stating that they will not have business dealings with totalitarian states, and the contracts only become enforceable in a court of law when a sufficient number of people have signed the contract. For instance, there could be a contract which would say: “I agree, upon 75% of the rest of US Citizens signing this contract, to boycott all Chinese companies, and have no business dealings with them for X number of years.” People would then be shown the many atrocities committed by nations like China, and persuaded, using reason and evidence, that dealing with such a country is not in their long-term interests.

b. No Enforcement of Contracts with Chinese Businesses and Nationals – United States Courts would have their jurisdiction to enforce contracts with companies or persons from totalitarian states withdrawn by Congress. (This might take a Constitutional Amendment.) If a US business takes delivery of goods from China, and doesn’t pay, the Chinese business has no recourse in US courts. If a Chinese company wants its money before delivering goods, and then that Chinese company doesn’t deliver the goods, a US court wouldn’t have jurisdiction to enforce the contract. Trade with China would be reduced to Chinese nationals bringing goods to the US for cash exchange. This would eliminate a lot of trade between the US and authoritarian and totalitarian nations, because neither side in a trade could rely on the enforcement of contracts.

c. Higher Voluntary Taxes on Businesses Engaged in Trade With China – This gets into how government would be funded under Capitalism. There are several alternatives. Most of them revolve around paying some sort of fee for government services. For instance, in order to have one’s contract enforced in a court, it would be necessary to pay a certain percentage of the value of the contract ahead of time. A contract for the sale of $100 of goods might have a 5% contract enforcement fee, in which $5 must be paid to the government as “insurance” against breach. In recognition of the fact that any US person doing business with Chinese companies and nationals is helping to prop up that regime, the government could impose a higher contract enforcement fee. The higher fee would cover the cost of increased military spending that is necessary to keep the United States safe. So, a person who does business with Chinese nationals, in any given year, might pay a 15% contract enforcement fee, rather than the usual 5%, on all of his contracts with other US citizens in the next year. In that way, US citizens would be highly discouraged from having business dealings with Chinese nationals at all.

Much higher voluntary taxes on Americans doing business with China are justified because they are making America less safe. They are imposing a cost on the rest of us, which can rightfully be recouped, to pay for extra military protection. The companies doing business with China should pay for the “negative externality” they are imposing on other Americans with their risky behavior. They’re free to do so, but not free to impose the cost on the rest of us.

Other laws relating to viral pandemics under capitalism are also possible. Some may even be better than the ones I have proposed here. The point is to show that a free society is not less “efficient” than an authoritarian one at dealing with the problem. The opposite is true. The principle of individual rights won’t guarantee man’s survival, but totalitarianism will make it impossible.