The Epistemology of Originalism

The Constitution embodies certain philosophic, historical, and legal traditions.  These included the Enlightenment as a cultural backdrop; the ideas of John Locke, Montesque, and Adam Smith; English legal and political systems; and the experience of the 13 original states under the Articles of Confederation.[1]
Some of the ideas and institutions embodied in the Constitution may have also been novel, such as the Supremacy Clause. This meant that questions regarding the proper sphere of the new Federal Government would not be resolved as political problems of the new Congress or of the State Legislatures, but as legal problems that a court must decide in hearing a case between private parties.[2] Interpreting the provisions of the Constitution would often ultimately lie with how Federal judges chose to interpret that document.  But, how should judges go about interpreting it?  By what methodology?
The meaning of key terms in the Constitution are often the subject of debate and dispute.  For instance, the Second Amendment contains the words “…the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed…”  However, those words are prefaced by: “A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State…”, and to the modern ear, a “militia” means something like the Army or the National Guard, and “regulated” means something like “controlled by government” or “restricted by law”.  Proponents of gun control seize on the (arguably) modern meaning of these terms, and say that the Second Amendment is referring to the right to keep and bear arms as a member of the armed forces or a state’s national guard.  Under this interpretation, the Second Amendment does not guarantee an individual right to keep and bear arms.  It is a mere “collective right”.
Others say that this method of interpreting the Constitution is incorrect.  They say that you must look to the “original public meaning” of the terms “militia” and “well regulated”, and that they meant something very different at the time they were ratified.  This “originalist” interpretation of the Second Amendment holds that the Second Amendment enshrines an individual right of private citizens, unconnected to any organized military or law enforcement, to keep and bear arms, because that is how the average person at the time the Second Amendment was adopted would have understood those words.
Another example of a disputed phrase in the Constitution is the Eighth Amendment prohibition on “cruel and unusual punishments”.  To a modern American, forms of punishment like flogging or the stocks would probably be considered “cruel and unusual”.  Many would also argue today that the death penalty is “cruel and unusual”.  The originalist says the modern understanding of those words is irrelevant.  What matters is the “original public meaning” of the phrase “cruel and unusual” when it was adopted into the Constitution.  The originalist notes that at the time the Eighth Amendment was penned, the stocks and flogging were common, to say nothing of the death penalty.  Therefore the stocks, flogging, and the death penalty is not what is meant by “cruel and unusual punishments”.
Part of the appeal of the originalist view of Constitutional interpretation is the claim that “words mean things” and that the “Constitution means what it says”. In fact, this idea tends to be what its proponents put forward to the public as the meaning of originalism, and as the reason why more originalist judges should be appointed to the bench.  An example of this “public meaning” of originalism could be seen with the editorial commentary arising around the US Supreme Court’s decision in District of Columbia v. Heller[3].  In this landmark ruling, the Court held that the Second Amendment to the US Constitution did embody an individual right to keep and bear certain firearms, under certain circumstances, subject to certain legal restrictions.
In support of the Heller decision, a noted Constitutional scholar published an Op-Ed titled: “News Flash: The Constitution Means What It Says”.[4] The author is a Professor of Constitutional Law at Georgetown Law School, so his presentation to the public of what originalism means is significant, especially the title of his Op-Ed, since it is what most people will read.  The title of the Op-Ed implies:  The Constitution uses specific words.  Those words have a specific and definite meaning, and, implicitly, judges should follow that specific and definite meaning.
Another example of the “public face” of originalism is what current US Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia has said in public speeches and interviews on the subject of originalism: “‘The Constitution means what it says. You figure out what it was understood to mean when it was adopted and that’s the end of it,’ Scalia said.”[5] Justice Scalia has made the assertion that the Constitution “means what it says” on several occasions, and he asserts that this is the essence of the originalist viewpoint: “[Interviewer:] Had you already arrived at originalism as a philosophy?  [Scalia:] I don’t know when I came to that view. I’ve always had it, as far as I know. Words have meaning. And their meaning doesn’t change…”[6]
Scalia clearly says that originalism stands for the proposition that “words have meaning”, and that their meaning is definite and immutable over time.  But, is this what originalism actually stands for?  When one begins to study the underlying reasoning being put forward by the originalists in greater detail, it is not at all clear that this method of Constitutional interpretation is necessarily consistent with the idea that “words mean things”.  It may not, in fact, be the case that all originalists actually believe that concepts have a definite meaning.
            Before analyzing the originalist position, it will be useful to think about the phrase “Words have meaning”.  What exactly does that mean?  A “word” is commonly defined as: “…a speech sound or series of speech sounds that symbolizes and communicates a meaning usu. without being divisible into smaller units capable of independent use…a written or printed character or combination of characters representing a spoken word…”[7]
Words are the symbols that represent a concept.  For instance, the words “dog” in English and “perro” in Spanish both mean the same thing.  They both denote the same concept.  But what does the concept refer to?  This points to the fact that when people say “words mean things” what they really are saying is “concepts mean things” –that concepts refer to something definite.  However, if words denote concepts, then where do the concepts come from?  What do the concepts refer to?  In the history of philosophy, this is known as the problem of universals:
“The problem of universals is the problem of the correspondence of our intellectual concepts to things existing outside our intellect.  Whereas external objects are determinate individuals, formally exclusive of all multiplicity, our concepts or mental representations offer us the realities independent of all particular determination; they are abstract and universal.  The question, therefore, is to discover to what extent the concepts of the mind correspond to the things they represent; how the flower we conceive represents the flower existing in nature; in a word whether our ideas are faithful and have an objective reality.”[8]
“The issue of concepts (known as ‘the problem of universals’) is philosophy’s central issue.  Since man’s knowledge is gained and held in conceptual form, the validity of man’s knowledge depends on the validity of concepts.  But concepts are abstractions or universals, and everything that man perceives is particular, concrete.  What is the relationship between abstractions and concretes?  To what precisely do concepts refer in reality?  Do they refer to something real, something that exists –or are they merely inventions of man’s mind, arbitrary constructs or loose approximations that cannot claim to represent knowledge?”[9]
Various answers have been put forward over the centuries to answer the issue of concepts. “Realism” and “nominalism” are two popular explanations for what, if anything, concepts refer to in reality.  “Extreme realism” represents the view of concepts held by Plato:  “According to this view there are universal entities existing in an extra-physical realm.  The ideas in the mind correspond to these entities.  The objects in the physical world reveal them.  Thus there are universal entities both within and without the mind.  Therefore, the mental entities are real.”[10]
Another version of realism is the Aristotelian version:  “The ‘moderate realists,’ whose ancestor (unfortunately) is Aristotle, who hold that abstractions exist in reality, but they exist only in concretes, in the form of metaphysical essences, and that our concepts refer to these essences.”[11]
Nominalists attempt to present an alternative to the realist viewpoint:
“At the opposite extreme from this view [the extreme realism of Plato] is nominalism.  Nominalism models the idea on the thing.  Since the thing is particular, the idea is particular.  There are no general ideas because there are no general things.  What are called general ideas, or concepts, are merely names, nomina, or even noises, flatus vocis.  Thus there are no universal entities either within or without the mind.  Therefore, universal entities are not real, in fact they are not even fictions, for there are no such things even within the mind.”[12]
Nominalists hold that all of our ideas are only images of concretes, and that abstractions are merely ‘names’ which we give to arbitrary mental groupings of concretes.[13]
            In her book “Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology”, Ayn Rand sets out an alternative explanation for concepts that is different from both Realism and Nominalism.  Rand disagrees with Plato that our concepts correspond to entities that exist in some supernatural or “extra-physical” realm.  In her philosophy the, “universe” means the sum total of all existence, so there can be no realm that is somehow “outside” the universe.  Furthermore, all of our knowledge is based on sensory experience and reasoning from our sensory experience.  No realm of “pure forms” has ever been perceived, and there is no mystical insight or “revelation”.[14] She also disagrees with the “moderate realism” of Aristotle:
 “…Aristotle held that definitions refer to metaphysical essences, which exist in concretes as a special element or formative power, and he held that the process of concept-formation depends on a kind of direct intuition by which man’s mind grasps these essences and forms concepts accordingly.  Aristotle regards ‘essence’ as metaphysical; Objectivism [Ayn Rand’s philosophy] regards it as epistemological.”[15]
Rand also does not claim that concepts are merely names that we give to arbitrarily grouped concretes in our minds, as the nominalists claim:  “The nominalist and the conceptualist schools regard concepts as subjective, i.e., as products of man’s consciousness, unrelated to the facts of reality, as mere ‘names’ or notions arbitrarily assigned to arbitrary groupings of concretes on the ground of vague, inexplicable resemblances.”[16]
A key distinction from nominalism in Rand’s philosophy is the fact that she regards concept formation as necessary for living.  In other words, the only “reason” that human beings engage in reasoning is because human life would be very difficult, if not impossible, if we didn’t:  “Since everything man needs has to be discovered by his own mind and produced by his own effort, the two essentials of the method of survival proper to a rational being are: thinking and productive work.”[17]
“The virtue of Rationality means the recognition and acceptance of reason as one’s only source of knowledge, one’s only judge of values and one’s only guide to action…It means a commitment to the fullest perception of reality within one’s power and to the constant, active expansion of one’s perception, i.e., of one’s knowledge.”[18]
“Thinking requires a state of full, focused awareness.  The act of focusing one’s consciousness is volitional.  Man can focus his mind to a full, active, purposefully directed awareness of reality –or he can unfocus it…a consciousness able to direct the actions and provide for the survival of a human being…”[19]
For Ayn Rand, the purpose of thinking is human survival.  One is considered to be “in a state of full, focused awareness” if one is purposefully directing one’s awareness of reality, and “purposeful” ultimately means aimed at the survival of a human being.  Unlike the nominalists, since Rand regarded knowledge as necessary for living one’s life, it ultimately serves that purpose, and a mere random grouping of concretes in one’s mind without reference to that purpose would be self-destructive.  Rand would distinguish valid concepts from invalid, or arbitrary, concepts by the fact that reality is what it is, and by the fact that human beings, an aspect of reality, also are what they are.  A human being who wants to live, must do so by a specific method that is in accordance with his nature.   That method of survival incudes the need to form concepts in accordance with the nature of the human mind, the nature of reality, and the thinker’s life, so that those concepts can further his life.  Rand regards concepts as serving a purpose that can serve as a standard of proper concept formation, while the nominalists regard the process as purposeless, or “arbitrary”.
The actual mental process that occurs in concept formation is described in great detail in Rand’s book Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, and it is difficult to do it justice here.[20] Rand starts out by describing something that exists, an “existent”, and the three stages that perceiving an existent undergoes during concept formation.  First an existent is viewed as an “entity”, which is like a child’s awareness of things.  Second, an existent is viewed as having an “identity”, which is awareness of specific particular things.  A child recognizes and distinguishes a particular existent from the rest of his perceptual field, thereby perceiving its “identity”.  The third stage in the mind of a human being consists of grasping relationships among entities by grasping similarities and differences of their identities.  The “implicit” concept “entity” is transformed into the “implicit” concept “unit”, which is an existent regarded as a separate member of a group of 2 or more similar members.[21]
Prior to regarding existents as a separate member of a group of 2 or more similar members (as units), all that exists in the mind of the perceiver of an existent is a “percept”. “A percept is a group of sensations automatically retained and integrated by the brain of a living organism.  It is the form of percepts that man grasps the evidence of his senses and apprehends reality.  The base of all of man’s knowledge is the perceptual stage.”[22]
Essentially, a “percept” is like a mental image of an actual, concrete thing that one perceives, held in one’s mind.  If someone recalls their favorite dog in their mind, then this is a percept (or, at least, the memory of a percept).  One recalls the actual existent that one has perceived, with his particular shape, his particular color, his particular size, and numerous other characteristics as a complete whole individual –as that particulardog.  Prior to becoming conceptual, very young children exist on this perceptual stage, which appears to be the highest level of consciousness held by most vertebrate animals.  Eventually young children learn to abstract –to mentally separate attributes, motions, or numbers from entities.[23]
Once particular existents are viewed as units, the conceptual stage has been reached: “With the grasp of the (implicit) concept ‘unit’ man reaches the conceptual level of cognition…”[24] Rand initially defines a “concept” as a “…mental integration of 2 or more units which are isolated according to specific characteristics and united by a specific definition.”[25] The act of isolation involved is a process of abstraction.  It is a selective mental focus that takes out or separates a certain aspect of reality from all others.[26] Unlike a “percept”, which is a mental image or mental representation of particular existents observed with one’s sense organs, “…the uniting involved in concept formation is not a mere sum, but an integration, i.e., a blending of the units into a single, new mental entity.”[27]
What is the role of a “word” in Ayn Rand’s description of concept formation?  “Words transform concepts into (mental) entities…”[28] Language isn’t just necessary for human communication according to Ayn Rand.  This can be understood by realizing that even when a person is completely alone, he still uses language in a sort of “inner monologue” within his mind as he thinks or tries to solve a problem.  This “inner monologue” is typically silent, in which one imagines to hear the words one is thinking in one’s mind.  But, some people even literally “talk to themselves” aloud while alone and thinking.  Rand would likely say that this is because language serves the purpose of providing a perceptual concrete that can act as a symbol in one’s mind representing the concept.  In order for a concept to be used as a single unit, “…the enormous sum integrated by a concept has to be given the form of a single, specific, perceptual concrete, which will differentiate it from all other concepts.”[29]
Rand gives two examples of concept formation in Chapter 2 of her book.  The concept for “length” and the concept of “table”.  The pattern in her description of how these two concepts are formed is essentially the same, but each example appears to be used to reveal different aspects of the process.  A key aspect of that process is “measurement”, in which there is a mental isolation of a distinctive characteristic of observed entities that all have that characteristic.  There is a mental differentiation of 2 or more entities from others by means of a characteristic they have in common with the entities they are mentally isolated from.[30]Measurement is the “…identification of a relationship –a quantitative relationship established by means of a standard that serves as a unit.”[31] The mental differentiation of 2 or more entities establishes a quantitative relationship by means of a standard that serves as the unit. 
For instance, when forming the concept “dog”, one perceives 2 or more particular dogs and observes that they have certain characteristics, such as shape, size, and behavior, in common, which is the identification of a relationship amongst the particular dogs observed.  The observed dogs are also mentally isolated from other perceived entities, such as cats, birds, and people, based on the shape, size, and behavior that they have in common with each other and that are different from the other perceived entities.  Rand defines the characteristics on which units (the dogs) are differentiated from other perceived entities (like cats and birds) as the “conceptual common denominator”, which is the commensurable “…characteristic(s) reducible to a unit of measurement, by means of which man differentiates two or more existents from other existents possessing it.”[32] Birds, cats, and dogs all have some type of shape, size, and behavior, but dogs have a particular distinguishing set of characteristics that represent “…a specified category of measurements within the ‘Conceptual Common Denominator’ involved.”[33] In the case of forming the concept “table”, Rand says that the CCD is shape, which is a characteristic that tables, chairs, and sofas all have in common.[34] In the case of forming the concept “dog”, it would probably be more than just “shape”, because grasping the difference between dogs on the one hand and wolves or coyotes on the other (assuming one had perceived wolves and coyotes) would require an understanding of the size differences between those animals as well as the differences in behavior between wolves and dogs.  For instance, wolves behave in a manner that is more “vicious” or “aggressive” and “predatory” than dogs, which have been bred for docility and dependence on human beings.  Additionally, given the wide variety of shapes and sizes in domestic dogs, their behavior tends to set them apart as a distinct group more than those other characteristics, which tend to vary greatly.  (Consider the size and shape differences between a Great Dane and a Chihuahua.)[35]
Rand says that this process of mentally isolating units, such as perceived dogs on the one hand from perceived birds and cats on the other, involves a mental process in which the units (the dogs perceived) are differentiated from others by means of a distinguishing characteristic, which are a specified category of measurements within the conceptual common demonintator[36] – which is shape, size, and behavior in the case of dogs.  These distinguishing characteristics, as already stated, are something like the general “dog-like” shape of dogs (e.g. morphology, claws that do not retract, a tail, four legs), which is different from the “bird-like” shape of birds and the “cat-like” shape of cats, along with the “dog-like” behavior of dogs, such as friendliness towards humans, smelling everything, and wagging their tails when they are glad to see people, etc.  Also, it should be noted that the distinguishing characteristics can exist in any quantity, but they must exist in some quantity.  In other words, in the mind, the characteristic(s) is retained while “omitting” their particular measurements in the observed existents, the particular dogs that were perceived, that form the existential basis of the unit-perspective.
This brief, and hopefully accurate, summation of Rand’s position on concept formation should make it clear that when someone says “words have meaning” what the speaker means by that will depend either implicitly or explicitly on their position on the “problem of universals”.  Do they believe that concepts denote pure “forms” that exist in some other realm, and are grasped by pure mystic insight as Plato did?  Do they believe that the essence of a concept exists in each observed concrete instance of that concept, and is grasped by some ineffable “intuition” (the Aristotelian position)?  Do they simply throw up their hands and say that it’s all just a matter of arbitrary whim as the nominalists do?  Or, do they regard concepts as “…a mental integration of 2 or more units possessing the same distinguishing characteristics with their particular measurements omitted…”[37],  where concepts serve a particular purpose that ultimately serves one’s survival? 
Surprisingly, Justice Scalia, the premier public spokesman on originalism, seems to fall into the nominalist camp regarding the problem of universals:
“I do not suggest that Madison was saying that common-law lawmaking violated the separation of powers. He wrote in an era when the prevailing image of the common law was that of a preexisting body of rules, uniform throughout the nation (rather than different from state to state), that judges merely “discovered” rather than created. It is only in this century, with the rise of legal realism, that we came to acknowledge that judges in fact “make” the common law, and that each state has its own.”[38]
In the above quote, Scalia seems to suggest that there are only two alternatives for understanding the concept of law: The epistemological realist camp (either Platonic or Aristotelian), which is what Scalia thinks the founding fathers believed, or the “modern view”, in which the concept of law is “made”, rather than “discovered” (“legal realism”).  In other words, for Scalia, the concept of law is ultimately arbitrary and purposeless.  Legal concepts have no basis other than human social whim and arbitrary convention.
Furthermore, when you look at the underlying arguments in favor of originalism, they seems like arguments that a nominalist would be very comfortable with.  Nominalists tend to look to social convention when determining the meaning of concepts.  Since the nominalist regards concepts as just arbitrary groupings of concretes in the human mind, with no reason or purpose behind the groupings, the question of why particular concretes are grouped together arises.  The nominalist will typically claim it is just a matter of social convention:
“Denying that concepts have an objective basis in the facts of reality, nominalists declare that the source of concepts is a subjective human decision: men arbitrarily select certain characteristics to serve as the basis (the “essentials”) for a classification; thereafter, they agree to apply the same term to any concretes that happen to exhibit these “essentials,” no matter how diverse these concretes are in other respects.”[39]
“Observe that, while condemning Plato’s mystic view of a concept’s meaning, the nominalists embrace the same view in a skeptic version. Condemning the essence-accident dichotomy as implicitly arbitrary, they institute an explicitly arbitrary equivalent. Condemning Plato’s “intuitive” selection of essences as a disguised subjectivism, they spurn the disguise and adopt subjectivism as their official theory…Condemning Plato’s supernaturally determined essences, they declare that essences are socially determined, thus transferring to the province of human whim what had once been the prerogative of Plato’s divine realm. The nominalists’ ‘advance’ over Plato consisted of secularizing his theory.”[40]
Originalists like Justice Scalia also tend to look to “social convention” when discussing the concept of law:  “Hence the importance, to all of us, of textual meaning.  How is that meaning to be determined?  By convention.  Neither written words nor the sounds that the written words represent have any inherent meaning.  Nothing but conventions and contexts cause a symbol or sound to convey a particular idea.”[41]
Admittedly, Scalia could be saying one of two things here.  It could mean that concepts are an arbitrarily grouping of percepts in the mind, based on nothing but human convention, which is nominalism.  A more charitable interpretation of this quote is that Scalia simply meant that the words that concepts denote are based on nothing but convention.  In other words Scalia could be saying some people refer to the concept “dog” using the English word “dog” while Spanish-speaking people refer to the same concept “dog” with the word “perro”, which is conventional, but the underlying concept has some connection to reality other than mere convention.  (It is also possible that Scalia has simply never considered the distinction between words and concepts, and is confused on the issue.)  However, a Platonist would not disagree that the word that denotes the concept (“dog” in English and “perro” in Spanish) is conventional.  Platonism, nominalism, and any other popular theory of concepts could all agree that the word chosen (“dog” or “perro”) is conventional.  The issue is whether the concept that the words denote is conventional.  If all Scalia meant was that the word chosen is conventional, then no one would disagree with that assertion.  That does not get to the essence of the issue, which is what does the concept refer to, and is there any other basis for it other than mere social convention?  The evidence seems to suggest that Scalia is a nominalist, even if his nominalism is implicit, and he doesn’t fully recognize it.
In addition to a nominalist being comfortable with the originalist position, an originalist would not necessarily disagree with the nominalist position on the issue of concepts resting ultimately on nothing but arbitrary social whim.  This is because originalists ultimately believe that judges should be restrained from overriding “the democratic process” because “democracy” tends to be their political ideal.  Originalism tends to hold “majority will”, another phrase for “social convention”, as a sort of political-philosophical axiom, with no other ethical or political concepts underlying it:
“This belief in a jurisprudence of original intention also reflects a deeply rooted commitment to the idea of democracy. The Constitution represents the consent of the governed to the structures and powers of the government. The Constitution is the fundamental will of the people; that is why it is the fundamental law. To allow the courts to govern simply by what it views at the time as fair and decent is a scheme of government no longer popular; the idea of democracy has suffered.”[42]
“A concept of original intent, one that focuses on each specific provision of the Constitution rather than upon generalized values, is essential to prevent courts from invading the proper domain of democratic government.”[43]
“…the question to be decided is not whether the historically focused method is a perfect means of restraining aristocratic judicial Constitution-writing; but whether it is the best means available in an imperfect world.  Or indeed, even more narrowly than that: whether it is demonstrably much better than what JUSTICE STEVENS proposes.  I think it beyond all serious dispute that it is much less subjective, and intrudes much less upon the democratic process.  It is less subjective because it depends upon a body of evidence susceptible of reasoned analysis rather than a varety of vague ethico-political First Principles whose combined conclusion can be found to point in any direction the judges favor…What is more, his [Justice Steven’s] approach would not eliminate, but multiply, the hard questions courts must confront, since he would not replace history with moral philosophy, but would have courts consider both…And the Court’s approach [which is Scalia’s approach in this case] intrudes less upon the democratic process because the rights it acknowledges are those established by a constitutional history formed by democratic decisions; and the rights it fails to acknowledge are left to be democratically adopted or rejected by the people, with the assurance that their decision is not subject to judicial revision…”[44]
In essence, the above passages by noted originalist jurists all reflect the idea that originalism is the method of Constitutional interpretation most consistent with the concept of “democracy” or “majorty will”.  An originalist judge will only strike down legislation if it can be shown that the legislation violates “majority will”, and the only way that can be shown is if it contradicts an express clause of the Constitution.  To think about it another way, the originalist believes that the Constitution, as originally enacted, represents the primary will of the people.  The originalist recognizes that the Constitution was enacted by people long dead, but to him, the fact that the currently living have the power to amend the Constitution -and choose not to- means that its provisions still represents current majority will.  Since the current majority could amend the Constitution, the originalist judge can safely assume that if they haven’t, then the majority does not recognize such a right.
This emphasis on the ability of the current majority to amend the Constitution to place new rights in it is why the originalist, for instance, would reject the idea that the Constitution enforces a right to an abortion.  The originalist notes that there is no express provision in the Constitution granting a “right to privacy”, much less a derivative right to an abortion, as the courts have found.  The originalist scoffs at the notion of judges finding “penumbras and emanations” in the Constitution, since, to his mind, the majority arbitrarily determines the scope and nature of rights in the first place, and the majority has chosen not to amend the Constitution to place a right to an abortion in the Constitution, which it could easily do if that was what it wanted.
Some will counter this originalist view by noting that judges, indirectly, are also the agents of majority will, since they are appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, both of which are ultimately elected by the people.  The originalist does not deny this.  He believes that both the legislature and judges should represent the majority will in their actions but, the originalist regards the legislature as being more likelyto represent the current views of the majority.  This is because judges are appointed for life, while Congressmen and the President are constantly subject to election, and therefore represent the current views of the people on a matter. Representatives in the legislature are “directly appointed”, and are constantly subject to “dismissal” by the people via the electoral process.  Therefore, the originalist reasons, since Congress and the President are more likely to represent the views of “the people”, judges should only override the decisions of Congress and the President when there is an express term in the Constitution forbidding the legislation.  Furthermore, those express terms in the Constitution must be interpreted in accordance with its “original public meaning” when adopted, because the judge must assume that the current political majority would amend the Constitution if they wanted that term to mean something else, or if they wanted to enshrine new rights in the Constitution:  “The most accurate spokesman for the people of each generation are the legislators that those people elect to represent them.”[45]
The originalist adopts a hierarchy with regard to Constitutional interpretation: the Constitution, as understood by the ratifiers, is supreme, because if the majority alive today didn’t agree with it, they would amend it.  The legislature is then of penultimate importance –with only the Constitution’s express terms, interpreted through their “original public meaning”, limiting its power.  Judges should be given the narrowest latitude because they are the farthest away from majority will.  Is there some other method of interpreting the Constitution’s terms that does not rely on the arbitrary whim of judges or the arbitrary whim of majorities?  Not according to Antonin Scalia.  The opinion he penned in the Heller decision makes his position clear:  “JUSTICE STEVENS abhors a system in which ‘majorities or powerful interest groups always get their way,’ post, at 56, but replaces it with a system in which unelected and life tenured judges always get their way.”[46]
For Scalia, there can be no reference to the facts of reality, and man’s choice to live, in order to determine what Constitutional provisions mean.  It is either the whim of the majority of voters or the whim of judges, because all concepts are nothing more than a subjective human decision that serves no purpose.  Human beings arbitrarily select certain characteristics to serve as the basis for a classification, and they agree to apply the same term to any concretes that happen to exhibit these “essentials”.[47]
Unfortunately, originalists do not appear to believe that the Constitution “means what it says” because most originalists probably believe that concepts have no other basis than arbitrary human convention, which they call “majority rule” or “democracy”.  In reality, concepts are the products of the human mind, but if they are to be considered “valid”, then they refer to things in reality, and serve the purpose of human survival.  Legal concepts like “freedom of speech” and “due process of law” serve specific purposes, and describe certain fundamental truths about man and his relationship to the universe, if he wants to live.  As the fundamental charter delegating each individual’s right to the retaliatory use of physical force to a central authority, a written constitution cannot be properly interpreted without a proper epistemology, which, in turn, requires an understanding of the ultimate purpose of concepts, which is the choice to live.

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[1]Dan Lacy, The Meaning of the American Revolution, Chapter 1, “The Eighteenth Century World” and Chapter 11, “The Federal Solution”. New York: Mentor Books (1964).

[2]Id.

[3] District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008)

[4]Randy Barnet, “News Flash: The Constitution Means What It Says.” http://www.cato.org/publications/commentary/news-flash-constitution-means-what-it-says

[5] M. Mbugua, “Justice Scalia says ’originalism’ protects American liberty.” http://www.udel.edu/PR/UDaily/2007/apr/scalia043007.html

[6] J. Senior “In Conversation: Antonin Scalia.” http://nymag.com/news/features/antonin-scalia-2013-10/

[7]Merriam-Webster, Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, 11th Edition (Kindle ed.), Merriam-Webster, Inc. (2009).

[8]E.C. Moore, American Pragmatism: Peirce, James, and Dewey. New York: Columbia University Press (1961), quoting DeWulf, M. Catholic Encyclopedia, XI, “Nominalism, Realism and Conceptualism”(1909).

[9]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., “Forward to the First Edition”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[10]E.C. Moore, American Pragmatism: Peirce, James, and Dewey, Chapter 2, “Theory of Knowledge”. New York: Columbia University Press (1961).

[11]Ayn Rand,  Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., “Forward to the First Edition”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[12]E.C. Moore,  American Pragmatism: Peirce, James, and Dewey, Chapter 2, “Theory of Knowledge”. New York: Columbia University Press (1961).

[13]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., “Forward to the First Edition”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[14]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 5. New York:Meridian (1990).

[15]Id.

[16]Id.

[17]Ayn Rand, The Virtue of Selfishness “The Objectivist Ethics.” New York: Signet Penguin Books (1961).

[18]Id.

[19]Id.

[20]This will be, at best, a brief sketch of my best understanding of some of the key concepts set forth in Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, and the reader should consult that book for a better and definitive presentation of Rand’s position on the matter. See: Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology 2nd Ed. New York: Meridian (1990).

[21]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 1: Cognition and Measurement. New York:Meridian (1990).

[22]Id.

[23]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[24]  Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 1: “Cognition and Measurement”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[25]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[26]Id.

[27]Id.

[28]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[29]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[30]Ayn Rand Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[31]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 1, “Cognition and Measurement”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[32]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[33]Id.

[34]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[35]It is also seems possible that someone, given their own particular observations and life-purposes might conceptualize wolves, dogs, and coyotes together as one concept initially, and then subdivide later as the need arose.  Rand discusses “borderline cases” in Chapter 7 of Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology.

[36]Ayn Rand, Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed., Chapter 2, “Concept-Formation”. New York:Meridian (1990).

[37]Id.

[38]Antonin Scalia and Amy Gutmann, “Common-Law Courts in a Civil-Law System: The Role of United States Federal Courts in Interpreting the Constitution and Laws” in A Matter of Interpretation: Federal Courts and the Law: Federal Courts and the Law (Kindle Ed.) Princeton University Press (1998).

[39]Leonard Peikoff, “The Analytic Synthetic Dichotomy.” In: Rand, A. Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed.” New York:Meridian (1990).

[40]  Id.

[41]Antonin Scalia and Bryan Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts,  “Preface”. St. Paul: Thompson/West Publishing (2010).

[42]“Speech Before the American Bar Association”, Washington, D.C., July 9, 1985, Attorney General Edwin Meese, III.  In: Antonin Scalia, Originalism: A Quarter-Century of Debate (Kindle Ed.) Perseus Books Group (2007).

[43] “Speech at the University of San Diego Law School” November 18, 1985, Judge Robert H. Bork. In: Antonin Scalia, Originalism: A Quarter-Century of Debate (Kindle Ed.) Perseus Books Group (2007).

[44] McDonald v. Chicago, 561 US 3025 (2010), emphasis added.

[45] Section 70, “The false notion that the Living Constitution is an exception to the rule that legal texts must be given the meaning they bore when adopted”.  In: Antonin Scalia and Bryan Garner, Reading Law: The Interpretation of Legal Texts, St. Paul: Thompson/West Publishing (2010).

[46] McDonald v. Chicago, 561 US 3025 (2010).

[47]Leonard Peikoff, “The Analytic Synthetic Dichotomy.” In: Rand, A. Introduction to Objectivist Epistemology, 2nd Ed. New York: Meridian (1990).

Frontline’s “United States of Secrets”

Last night I watched this 2-part special on Frontline. Overall, I thought it was a decent presentation on an important topic. I somewhat question one of the premises of part 2, “Privacy Lost”. In that episode, they basically said that since Google uses an automatic system to scan your emails for keywords and then present advertisements to you automatically -without any person ever actually knowing the content of your email- then that opened the door for the government to scan your email without a warrant, because courts wouldn’t be able to make the distinction.

But, to me, this is like saying: because I allow a maintenance man into my apartment to repair something, then I have somehow given permission to the police to enter my apartment at any time and search it from top to to bottom. You should be able to agree by contract to allow someone to have access to something that is private without it meaning that you have granted permission to everyone else in the world to view it. I think you can also grant someone access to something with the understanding that they are to keep knowledge of that thing confidential, absent a warrant or subpoena issued by a court.

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/united-states-of-secrets/

We Don’t Need Gun Control We Need a Philosophy of Individual Rights

France has extensive gun control laws. The civilian ownership of most semi-automatic firearms, handguns, and automatic firearms is prohibited. http://www.gunpolicy.org/firearms/region/france  Despite this, a Muslim Jihadist was able to kill three people and wound one with an AK-47. http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-06-01/jewish-museum-murder-suspect-arrested-in-france-hollande-says.html
Mass shootings like this have nothing to do with the ease or difficulty of obtaining such weapons, as this killing in Belgium demonstrates, and everything to do with the existence of societies filled with people who no longer take personal responsibility for their own wellbeing and for the wellbeing of their loved ones. It is a result of a Western Culture of Individualism that is so far in decline that people join various cults and groups that advocate the subordination of individual lives and happiness to a god or a tribal group. It is a result of people who no longer use their own minds to search for the truth, but instead depend on some collective or religious authority to tell them what is right and wrong. It is a result of schools, journalists, and politicians that encourage envy and hatred of others by claiming that there is something wrong with those who do choose to pursue their individual, secular happiness in a free market system.

If too many people reject individualism and their own secular happiness in favor of some sort of collective ethnic group or afterlife, then they will violently turn on those that are not of their “tribe” or don’t worship their god, and we will see a relapse to the sort of perpetual warfare that hasn’t been seen in Europe since the Middle Ages. If too many people listen to left-leaning politicians and their politics of envy, then more mentally unstable people will find a rationalization for indulging their own feelings of envy and hatred of others with violence -such as the 2007 Virginia Tech mass-murderer who espoused his desire to kill “rich kids” in his suicide note.

The Western World doesn’t need gun control, it needs to rediscover a philosophy that advocates the pursuit of individual happiness in this life, and reason as the cardinal means of achieving that happiness. It needs governments that respect and protect individual rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

Greg Abbott Is Opposed To the Second Amendment

Greg Abbott: No friend of the Second amendment

“The state of Texas, arguing against the challenge, noted that three-quarters of the states have laws requiring a person to be at least 21 to get a license to carry a gun. The state’s attorney general, Greg Abbott, was in the uncomfortable position of defending the law…”
http://www.nbcnews.com/news/crime-courts/court-passes-challenges-restricting-handguns-young-adults-n37196

The “Assault Weapon” Ban

“…no reason civilians need to own assault weapons and high-capacity magazines…”  http://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/us-judge-bring-back-federal-assault-weapons-ban-18040037#.UNc95onjk1c
1) The “assault weapons” ban basically banned certain cosmetic features on some semi-automatic firearms (guns that fire one bullet for every pull of the trigger), that had nothing to do with the function of the weapon.
2) The only major change in the functionality of semi-automatic weapons that the assault weapons ban affected was the limitation of the magazine to 10 rounds. Does anyone really think that limiting magazine capacity to 10 rounds will stop someone from going on a shooting spree?
3) The only way such a magazine capacity limitation might affect a shooting spree is to require the shooter to carry multiple guns or multiple magazines. Is Diane Feinstein seriously saying that her “solution” is for civilians at the scene of a shooting spree to tackle a gunman while he is reloading his 10-round magazine?  If civilians are going to be asked by Diane Feinstein to take personal responsibility for their own self-defense (a worthy goal), then why does she want to make it more difficult for civilians to own guns?
4) High capacity magazines do have a civilian use: In the Los Angeles riots in the early 1990’s, civilian business owners used AK-47’s and other semi-automatic firearms to defend themselves and their property from large numbers of rioters who wanted to harm them and destroy their life’s work. These civilian business owners were abandoned by the police and the local authorities, and they took personal responsibility for their own lives and the security of their community.

New York Times Article on Kagan

“In another case, she recommended that the federal government intervene in a case to support religious freedom. The California Supreme Court ruled that a landlord violated a state law prohibiting housing discrimination by refusing to rent an apartment to an unwed couple because she considered sex outside marriage to be a sin.”http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/12/us/politics/12kagan.html?pagewanted=2&src=me

Kagan’s position here was incorrect. If the case is as the NY Times article describes it, then this was a law of general application (prohibiting housing discrimination against unmarried couples). Providing exemptions from statutes of general application on “freedom of religion” grounds would lead to the absurdity that people can abuse children or engage in human sacrifice because of their need for “religious freedom”. Warren Jeffs would claim that he has a right to sexually abuse children because of his “religious freedom”. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Warren_Jeffs

Judge John E. Jones III for US Supreme Court

In between stories about the latest celebrity sex scandal, the news is occasionally noting that Justice John Paul Stevens of the US Supreme Court is going to retire, allowing President Obama to make another appointment. I would like to propose that Judge John E. Jones III, of the Middle District of Pennsylvania be considered for the job. Judge Jones was appointed by President George W. Bush for his present position, and is a Republican. But, Judge Jones was the presiding judge in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District Judge Jones ruled that the School Board’s policy on “Intelligent Design”, which is another word for creationism, violated the Establishment Clause. In an interview about his decision, Judge Jones responded this way: “A significant number of Americans, if you poll, believe that creationism ought to be taught, either supplanting evolution or alongside of evolution. And, again, you ask how the judiciary works. We protect against the tyranny of the majority.” Amen.

How Should State Constitutions Be Amended?

I am currently reading a book called “The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787”, by Gordon S. Wood, and it has stimulated my thinking about Constitutional issues. My purpose here isn’t to provide the reader with a book review, but to discuss what I now believe is the proper amendment process for a state constitution.

What I am saying here is only applicable to a state constitution, or to the constitution of a non-American republic that doesn’t have a federal-state system of government like the United States. The reason it isn’t necessarily applicable to the U.S. Constitution is because that document represents a sort of balance between the need for a national government on certain issues and the sovereignty of states. (I am not saying that I am necessarily opposed to one consolidated national government, without state governments, for the country currently called the United States. Whether our current Federal system is ideal is an issue for another day. It is certainly better than any other government now in existence.)

Before I discuss this proposed constitutional amendment process, I want to discuss the concept of a constitution. First, it must be kept in mind that the institution of government is man-made. This seems obvious, so why state it? I believe it is easy to adopt a subconscious mind-set that sees government as a natural feature of the world, that has an existence apart from the society that has created it. For instance, the British system of government is a product of hundreds of years of tradition, which doesn’t have a written constitution. I think it would be easy for people to forget that this institution is a creation of men, and can be changed or destroyed by men. Just as “society” is nothing more than a number of individual human beings, government is nothing more than an institution created and sustained by a number of individual men. Since government doesn’t exist apart from the men who create and maintain it, then why does it exist at all? All man-made creations should serve some purpose, and, ultimately, further human life. For instance, the automobile is a man-made thing that serves the purpose of transportation, which ultimately makes human lives more easy and convenient. Government is also a man-made thing, and should therefore serve certain functions.

What is the purpose of government? What function does it serve? Ultimately, government serves man’s life. More immediately, human beings must take certain actions in order to live. At the most basic level, they must produce food to eat, shelter to protect them from the elements, and all of the tools that allow them to acquire these things. Other human beings have the capacity to prevent men from taking the actions necessary to live by means of physical force. For instance, a robber uses a weapon to take what others have created to further their own lives. Therefore, in order to live, men must be free from other’s use of physical force in a manner that deprives them of the values they have created for their continued survival. It must be recognized that men are entitled to take actions necessary for maintaining their lives in a social context. People who use physical force to deprive others of the material values they have created are called criminals. Criminals must be restrained by means of physical force. For instance, a robber is put in a jail to prevent him from committing more crimes. (The length of time that a criminal should spend in jail depends on a calculation that takes into account, at a bare minimum, the level of threat that he represents to the lives of other people versus the possibility of him changing his ways -all human beings with normal functioning brains have the capacity to change.)

Each of us could individually take action to restrain criminals, but this would be inconvenient, since most of us do not want to spend our time apprehending thieves, rapists, and murderers. Government is a delegation by the population of the means of restraining criminals. (I also believe that there are other reasons why the restraint of criminals must be delegated to a central authority, and that anarchy is not compatible with a free society. In general terms, anarchy is not compatible with ensuring that a crime has been committed, and with establishing to other’s satisfaction that your use of physical force, and the amount of force used by you, to stop a criminal is justified. I believe this is what is meant by “due process”.) To sum up, an essential function of government is to ensure that the people who want to take action to further their own lives are free to do so.

Another feature of government that must be kept in mind to understand the concept of a constitution is this: government is a product of human association and collaboration. Since government involves a group of people, and since people must bring it into existence, there must be communication, collaboration, and agreement amongst those people about how the functions that government serves will be carried out. An implicit assumption contained in the need for collaboration and agreement amongst the people about the details of how government will operate is the fact that there is often more than one way to perform many government functions. Each state of the United States carries out the legitimate functions of government slightly differently. None of these arrangements are necessarily “right or wrong” in a universal sense. For instance, in the State of Texas, the final state court of appeal is divided into two separate courts. One court handles criminal appeals, and the other handles civil appeals. In other states, and in the Federal system of the United States, the final court of appeal is a single court that handles both criminal and civil appeals. Other issues that could come up include: Should the legislature be unicameral or bicameral? Should all criminal prosecutions be by means of indictment of a grand jury only, or should misdemeanor prosecutions be allowed to proceed by “information” (a charge leveled at the discretion of the District Attorney)? Which is better? (I do not know, and reasonable minds could easily disagree on such details.) Many of these details regarding how a particular government will operate will depend on the particular circumstances and context of any particular society, and the needs of a particular society may change over time. Since so many details depend on context, the people in a society must discuss what their particular needs are, and come to an agreement. Compromises may also need to be made regarding certain features of a particular government. A constitution is the most fundamental agreement amongst the people of a society about how governmental functions will be carried out in a particular society.

So, how should this fundamental agreement amongst the people about how governmental functions will be carried out be reached? Since American states already have constitutions, I will start with the assumption that there is a pre-existing institution that performs governmental functions, and propose a process for amending state constitutions that I think would better reflect the need for broad-based societal agreement over how governmental functions should be carried out in practice.

Every two or three election cycles, a question is placed on the ballot used for electing representatives to the legislature. The question would be something like: “A constitutional convention shall be called.” The voters will either check “yes” or “no”. If three quarters of all registered voters check “yes”, then a constitutional convention (a “Convention”) shall be called within a certain period of time (within about 6 months). The reason three quarters of all registered voters must vote in favor of a Convention is because a constitution is the fundamental political agreement amongst the people, so before it can be changed, there must be broad support amongst the people in favor of change. This ensures broad-based societal agreement about the basic structure of government. It is also not enough to call a Convention based on a mere three quarters of the people who happen to vote in that particular election because, in some elections, voter turnout can be low, and it would be too easy for particular interest groups to get their own supporters out to vote in favor of calling a Convention even though the majority of the population is not in favor of a change.

If three quarters of the registered voters are in favor of a convention, then there is a special election to elect Convention Delegates. Delegates for the Convention should be chosen in a manner that ensures that they are representative of the people. Probably, they should be chosen in accordance with existing voting districts for the lower house. (The “lower house” is the legislative chamber that is usually seen as being the most “representative” of the people, and usually bases representation of each district on population levels. In the Federal system of the United States, it is the House of Representatives.) Existing voting districts for the lower house are used for purposes of efficiency, since these districts would be readily known to everyone. (However, I also think that it would also be appropriate, and possibly advantageous, to create special voting districts for the sole purpose of electing Delegates to the Convention.) What is important to keep in mind is that each voting district for the Convention gets a number of Delegates in proportion to the population of registered voters in that area. So under my plan, each voting district for Convention Delegates gets the same number of Delegates as they received in the most recent legislative session for the lower house. This is done because the lower house usually bases the number of representatives each district gets on population, which means that the areas with greater populations will get to send more Delegates to the Convention. Linking the number of Delegates at the Convention to population is based on the fact that a constitution is a fundamental political agreement amongst the people, which means it must reflect the will of the population. The membership criteria for Delegates to the Convention under my plan would be the same as the criteria for membership in the lower house of the legislature. This is because the lower house of the legislature usually has the lowest criteria in terms of age, residency, and (in the past) property ownership.

Individual Delegates to the Convention are chosen for each voting district by means of election. The exact election process could be done in different ways, but I would prefer a non-partisan election, in which the highest vote-getters get to be Delegates, without any sort of primary. For instance, if a particular district gets three Delegates, then the top three vote-getters get to be delegates.

At the Convention, constitutional amendments are proposed by individual Delegates, and then voted on by all of them. If a proposed constitutional amendment gets 51% of the votes of the Delegates at the Convention, then it will be sent to the people for a ratification vote. I am uncertain at this point of the details of how a Constitutional Convention would be run, other than the requirement that a proposed amendment get 51% of the Delegates’ votes, but I think it could be left up to the Delegates to set their own rules of procedure for how amendments would be proposed to the Convention, and debated on. One other necessary rule regarding the Convention: it must last for only a set period of time. This is to ensure that it doesn’t become a permanent body. Any amendments proposed by it after this set time period are considered null and have no legal validity.

As I already noted, all proposed amendments of the Convention will be sent to the people for a ratification vote. If three quarters of the registered voters vote to ratify an amendment, then it becomes a part of the constitution. Just as when the Convention was called, requiring three quarters of registered voters to ratify an amendment ensures that it does represent an agreement of the people.

I would now like to compare this proposed Constitutional Amendment process with the current amendment process of the State of Texas, in which the state legislature plays a role. This will illustrate what I think is wrong with an existing legislature having a role in the amendment process of a constitution. It would appear that the Texas State Constitution (as of 2009) allows for the lower house of the Texas legislature to propose constitutional amendments on a 2/3 majority vote. It also appears from the text of the state constitution that a mere majority of the actual votes cast by the population will ratify the proposed amendment and make it part of the Texas State Constitution. This process has two major flaws. First, allowing the Texas State legislature to act as a Constitutional Convention is problematic. Since a legislature is a part, or aspect, of government, it has no greater right to exist than the government itself does. Since government is a delegation by the people of the right to the use of physical force to restrain criminals, it seems fundamentally contradictory for the members of the legislature, who have been delegated that power, to play a role in the process of the delegation of that very power. In order for a legislature to be an actual representative body, as opposed to a sort of aristocratic body, there must be some more fundamental, and prior, agreement amongst the people represented about the basic terms under which the legislature is to exist, such as: how and when the legislators are elected, for how long they meet, how long they are to serve, on what matters they may legislate, etc. Logically, these issues must be decided by the people prior to the establishment of a legislature. It is possible to combine a legislature and a constitutional convention in one body of people, but this would be a bad idea. The legislators would tend to create a constitution that favored the legislature as an institution, whereas a body of people whose sole purpose is to create the constitution would have to live under that constitution, so they would create a document that is more representative of the people’s will.

Convening a special body just for the purpose of creating or amending a constitution will also ensure that the best and the brightest Delegates will be elected to the Convention. Once a Constitution is established, any particular legislative body can have less intelligent and competent people in it because the Constitution will have institutional safeguards in place against legislative tyranny, such as the courts to strike down unconstitutional laws. Also, while the best and the brightest might be willing to serve, for a short period, in the creation of a Constitution, they may not desire a career in politics, so the legislature may normally be composed of people of lesser abilities. It is okay for any particular legislature to be filled with incompetents, because its powers are already defined by a constitution, so the damage they can do is not as great. A constitutional convention filled with incompetents would be a disaster, because they are setting the broad terms by which all future legislatures, executives, and judges are to govern. In essence, a special Convention that meets for that sole purpose, and then is dissolved provides an extra institutional safeguard against any sort of legislative tyranny, and insures that the most competent people are involved in the constitutional drafting/amending process.

The second major flaw I see with the current amendment process for the Texas state constitution is that it appears to only require a simple majority of the people that actually vote regarding the proposed amendment to ratify it. This means that a very small segment of the population can ratify constitutional amendments, and would tend to encourage small interest groups to write constitutional law. There is no assurance that the particular constitutional amendment that is ratified represents the agreement and consent of “the people”, just special interest groups.

A perusal of the Texas State Constitution reveals that much of it reads more like a set of statutes than a constitution. The important, fundamental, portions of it, are drowning in a sea of trivial provisions. By separating out the constitutional amendment process from the legislative process, and by requiring a super-majority of the voters to ratify, I believe a better constitution can be maintained, and that it will truly represent a fundamental agreement of the people, rather than a legalistic collage of special interest groups.